Thankfully, the joint walkout by Zhirinovsky's Liberal Democrats, the Communists and Agrarians failed to materialize, leaving some reason to hope that the Duma's fall session could produce more legislation and less theatrics than the last. It also suggests that the much feared alliance between these three factions has yet to be realized.
There was, however, one shocking element in this all too familiar piece of drama, namely that Zhirinovsky is right about something. The refusal to let him land in Kemerovo on his way to North Korea was outrageous. The excuse offered by the local authorities -- that the runway was blocked -- appears highly unlikely. It seems almost certain that Zhirinovsky's basic rights as a Russian citizen, let alone as an elected official, were abused.
Foreign countries have the right to choose whether or not they provide Zhirinovsky with an entry visa, and with the exceptions of Iraq and North Korea they are tending to decide against. Russia, however, is stuck with Zhirinovsky. He is, regrettably, a popularly elected official of some stature here and he has the right to travel and speak freely.
Not only was the refusal to permit Zhirinovsky landing rights wrong in principle, it was also a mistake of strategy that the authorities have made several times before. Vladimir Zhirinovsky thrives on confrontation and publicity. They are oxygen to him. So, the Kemerovo incident could not have been more welcome, handing him yet another opportunity to take center stage. For that reason, it would be naive to get too upset about Zhirinovsky's treatment. Had he not been handed a means to seize the limelight and disrupt the Duma's first days of work -- for not even Zhirinovsky would claim that he is interested in parliamentary democracy -- he would have found another for himself.
For the moment at least, Zhirinovsky is a far more dangerous enemy to the interests of the Duma than to Yeltsin.
The most important task of the deputies this fall will be to persuade their voters that the State Duma can be taken seriously and can be entrusted with remaking Russia's legislative framework. To this aim, Zhirinovsky's antics are anathema, encouraging the electorate to see their parliament as little more than an expensive soap opera.
The Kremlin may well be happy to see Zhirinovsky drag the Duma down in this way, but as the polls made clear last December, this kind of tactic can backfire badly. This is one clown who has to be handled with the utmost seriousness.
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