This unusually sluggish response was evidenced by the fact that no one asked Chernomyrdin for a report on what is going on right now. The last time Chernomyrdin gave a speech in parliament was three months ago.
This time, Chernomyrdin appeared in the State Duma on his own initiative, though his aides tried hard to talk him out of it. On the other hand, these same aides claim that Chernomyrdin has an uncanny "psychological sense," that he knows when to speak and what he should say, as well as when to avoid public declarations and rash action.
Whether Chernomyrdin's sixth sense betrayed him this time or not is unclear. But even more surprising than the fact of the speech was its content. It was peppered with harsh words for the prime minister himself, as well as arguments that one would sooner expect to hear from the government's opposition than from its head.
Chernomyrdin's speech sounded at odds with what his first deputy, Anatoly Chubais, had said only weeks ago. And the self-criticism he lavished on himself seemed especially strange given the congratulations on the implementation of reforms that the Russian delegation accepted at the annual meeting of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
One high-ranking official close to the prime minister called Chernomyrdin's move last Friday in the Duma "a gambit." The point of this maneuver in chess is to gain a substantial strategic advantage at the outset of the game by forfeiting a pawn or a piece of greater importance.
Also ascribed to this gambit was last Thursday's cabinet meeting chaired by Chernomyrdin. An in-depth television report focused on the premier's stringent demands and criticism with respect to members of the cabinet. The papers did the same and even speculated that heads were about to roll in the government.
If Chernomyrdin does sacrifice a pawn or some more significant piece, this will mean that he has decided to play a "political gambit." After all, parliament's dissatisfaction with the government loses its sting when the head of the cabinet turns around and all but agrees with his detractors.
This said, the state of relations between the prime minster and President Boris Yeltsin remains murky. And Chernomyrdin's tough remarks do not change the fact that Yeltsin did not meet with him during his last vacation on the Black Sea.
Chernomyrdin's apparent dissatisfaction with the work of his subordinates may be a signal that he is ready to sacrifice a member of his government for the sake of restoring or even strengthening relations with the president. Possible candidates for sacrifice include State Property Committee head Alfred Kokh, the director of the federal agency dealing with bankruptcy Pyotr Mostovoi, and some more important figures.
In chess, a gambit is a drastic maneuver, but one which produces quick and considerable advantages for the person deft enough to play it. Still, it is important that the sacrificial victims, if there are to be any, not be too important. Otherwise, Chernomyrdin may lose the match.
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