 | To Our Readers |
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Editor,
Irina Khakamada's analysis of the latest elections and the state of liberalism and democracy in Russia is just more of the same self-serving, self-promoting "spin" that she urges fellow democrats to move beyond.
First, she contradicts herself by claiming that Russian democracy was harmed by the democrats' boycott of the presidential elections, then later conceding that "it makes no sense to take on the current regime on its own terms." Which is it, Ms. Khakamada? At least by refusing to take part in fixed elections, other democrats did not lend an air of legitimacy to Putin's foregone victory.
Next, she unwisely advocates that all seats in the State Duma should be based on single-mandate districts, to "make it possible for new leaders to emerge from the grassroots and put an end to the practice of stuffing parliament with complete unknowns who have purchased a spot in a party list." But surely she must know that eliminating party lists would most likely hurt small, grassroots parties, especially those that do not have a national presence, by focusing all of their strength on just a few regional candidates. What can a party with one or two "grassroots" (read: personality-driven) politicians from single-mandate districts accomplish in the Duma without a strong party behind them? I think we have already seen the answer. On the other hand, we can name plenty of successful democracies that elect some mixture of single-mandate and party-list candidates. Why can't the same work in Russia?
I suspect that Khakamada does not really care about building real parties, but sees a few cult personalities like Anatoly Chubais, Boris Nemtsov, or herself as the only hope for Russia.
Again she shows she just doesn't get it, when she asserts that "the electoral default and the collapse of the political market we have just witnessed resulted from the strengthening of the authoritarian political model." It was just the opposite! The complete failure in the 1990s of the right and center-right parties to form cohesive, grassroots, nationwide political parties -- instead of creating PR machines for those at the top -- caused overwhelming public disillusionment with democratic politics and directly facilitated Vladimir Putin's authoritarian alternative.
She rightly concedes that "no political party has made a serious attempt to reach out to the voters," and that the democrats instead relied on PR and spin. But was the democrats' opting for spin just a tactical move, as she ridiculously states, or did it signal their basic loathing and disregard for average Russians?
Can Khakamada explain why to this day none of the democrats have stooped to the Communists' level and knocked on doors; stood with fliers at metro stations in the regions and small towns; organized and informed party volunteers; actually left Moscow to meet with voters; organized local, regional and national party congresses; developed written party platforms that cannot be changed on a whim or during a backroom deal; and all of the other things democratic parties do to build and maintain public support?
Sure, now she hints that she's going to do all of this. But can Khakamada indeed fathom giving a controlling voice to the unwashed masses who have never tried sushi or fondue, and don't practice feng shui in their communal apartments? The climax of this article is just a plug for her new boutique party. Has anything changed?
Jeff Luebbe
Kiev, Ukraine
Currency Exchange
In response to "Mighty Poor Ruble," a comment by Alexei Bayer on April 7.
Editor,
As a New York- rather than a Moscow-based economist, Alexei Bayer has not experienced his dollar-based income shrink by 20 percent in the past year as the ruble has strengthened in combination with high inflation.
Keeping the ruble weak or strong has more serious implications to a dollar-based economy like Russia's than just the restructuring of industry. If the exchange rate is to be used as a tool to improve Russia's industry as Bayer suggests, Russia must first embrace its own currency and stop thinking in terms of dollars.
David Veazey
Moscow
Editor,
For the record, to correct Alexei Bayer, the phrase describing Russia was "Upper Volta with rockets," not "nuclear missiles," and it was coined not by Margaret Thatcher but by Xan Smiley, who was then the Daily Telegraph's Moscow correspondent and is now an editor at The Economist.
Gideon Lichfield
The Economist
Moscow
Metro Face Control
In response to "Metro Bars Homeless and Beggars," an article by Maria Levitov on March 25 and "Bums on Seats," letters published on April 1.
Editor,
The decision by Moscow metro chief Dmitry Gayev to block metro access to the city's homeless is as sinister as it is repugnant. The published response by your readers elicits a similar reaction.
The plight of the homeless requires not just our compassion, but positive action by the city authorities to provide accommodation and treatment for these people, many of whom are in desperate circumstances. Barring access to the metro for the homeless in winter will undoubtedly lead to increased fatalities among this already vulnerable group. By contrast, in Paris the city authorities permit the homeless access to the metro; during especially cold spells in winter, they open stations specifically for the homeless to use.
But the banning of homeless people in Moscow is nothing new. During city festivals or international sporting events, city authorities have a habit of "deporting" the homeless beyond the city limits to keep up appearances. In the past, these authorities have also periodically shut down the mobile treatment center of M?decins Sans Fronti?res that treats all comers, paradoxically accusing the center of spreading disease.
One wonders where this "face control" on the metro will lead?
Malcolm Hawkes
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
Moscow
Editor,
Moscow Times readers Ekaterina Tkachenko and David Mallete are revolted by the presence of what they call "street persons" in the metro and express their support of moves to ban them without a word of pity for the beggars and homeless concerned.
As Moscow citizens, they would do much better to ask themselves whether they could contribute anything, however minor, to solve this problem, rather than choose the easy solution to shift the responsibility to others.
By the way, I dislike the smell of perfume and aftershave. Does that mean I may also appeal to the metro chief?
Dirk A. de Paus
Moscow
Presidential Vacations
In response to "Bush Vacations While U.S. Soldiers Die," a column by Matt Bivens on April 12.
Editor,
In his ongoing efforts to libel the president of the United States, Matt Bivens steals quotes from The Washington Post and then attempts to use the Post's facts to support his own agenda.
Bivens equates President George W. Bush's time at Crawford, Camp David or other locales that are not the White House, as vacation. Nothing could be further from the truth, and Bivens knows it.
The fact is that President Bush is never off the clock on a purely traditional vacation.
Also from Biven's beloved Washington Post: "Bill Clinton, who had no home in Arkansas ... used friends' homes in getaways such as Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts. He was the only president known to use polling data to plan a vacation. He went to Wyoming in 1995 and 1996 after hiking and camping were found to be favored activities among key swing voters."
Tom Black
Allen, Texas
Dealing With Mr. X
Editor,
How to deal with Mikhail Khodorkovsky? Have a quick and to-the-point trial. If he is found guilty, sentence him to five years as Health Minister with the following conditions: that he should personally fund the department; be given no perks and no form of personal financial gain; and on the understanding that he will be thrown back in jail if he or any of his staff are involved in corruption or fraud.
If he doesn't create a world-envied health system, then long jail sentences and labor camps are the only options left for him. However, if he does achieve it -- look what he did for Yukos -- wipe the slate clean and set him free!
Monique Leonard
Moscow
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