European Union Should Make the First Move

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Recent political developments in Europe have shown that nothing is more uncertain and unpredictable than Russia's relationship with the European Union. When President Vladimir Putin joined with the leaders of France and Germany in opposing the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, a Paris-Berlin-Moscow axis loomed large over Europe. Just three years later, Putin's regime is widely regarded as a challenge to European stability as it curtails democratic freedoms and nationalizes assets at home and intervenes more actively in the affairs of Eastern Europe.

By building a "sovereign democracy" in Russia, Putin is trying to remove the country from the Western community, with which it has integrated to some extent over the last 15 years. Securing Russia's sovereignty rather than its democracy, Putin bridles at restraints imposed by European institutions. This course of action could prove dangerous not just for Russia, but for Europe as well.

Even standing outside the EU, Russia remains an integral part of Europe. The eastern border of Europe has been altered many times over the centuries, finally being pushed to the Urals and the Caucasus mountains. The EU's recent expansion has also been directed toward the east. If a new iron curtain is allowed to fall from Estonia to Rostov-on-Don, it could prove just as dangerous as the last one, which extended from Stettin to Trieste.

Russia's connection to Europe is more historical than geographical. It is bound to Europe by its culture, shared values and its Christian faith. Although most of Russia is physically located in Asia, this is not a Eurasian nation, as some nationalist politicians in Moscow insist. Starting in the 18th century, far more people moved back and forth between Russia and Western Europe than between Russia and any other region. The economic ties that bind Russia to Europe are equally significant: 56 percent of Russian exports go to EU countries, which also account for some 62 percent of Russia's imports and more than 70 percent of foreign direct investment in this country.

Today's Europe needs Russia, even if the leaders in Brussels are reluctant to admit it. And this need has both positive and negative aspects. On the one hand, Russia is the biggest market that the EU can hope to conquer in the near future. If properly employed, Russia's well-trained and relatively cheap workforce could provide Europe with a crucial competitive advantage. By securing access to Russia's enormous natural resources, the EU could become the most self-sufficient economic bloc in the world. With Russia on board, Europe would have little choice but to establish itself as a major geopolitical force, unmatched in terms of territory, natural wealth and regional domestic product, and on par with the United States in military power.

On the other hand, only by integrating Russia can Europe eliminate its greatest source of instability.

Russia needs Europe just as urgently. Despite the rhetoric of its political leaders, Russia has not yet evolved into a normal, modern country. Despite being the world's largest oil exporter, Russia has failed to reduce its alarming social inequality. It has not held two parliamentary elections in a row under the same rules. Fully 14 percent of the working population is employed in the military, law enforcement and intelligence agencies and in private security companies. For decades now, Russia has been an exception to the rule that every nation deserves its rulers. And the people have long lost hope in the power of popular resistance, since past efforts produced political regimes even more repressive than those they replaced.

Russia lacks a vision of the future. It needs a goal that is worth working for. A return to its European roots could provide this goal -- one that the entire country could embrace.

It is time for the EU to rise to the occasion. For more than 40 years it has served as a beacon for countries that were temporarily excluded from Europe: Spain, Portugal and Greece in the 1970s and 1980s; Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and the Baltic states in the 1990s; the Balkan states in the first years of this century. All of these countries were driven to transform themselves by the European dream. Ukraine is the latest to join this company.

The Russian case is somewhat different, however, and that difference arises not from the size of its territory or of its population. A far smaller percentage of Turkish territory lies within Europe, for example. And Russians would account for less than one-quarter of a combined European population.

The problem arises from the very concept of integration, which begins when countries express their will to join the EU. This will never happen in Russia. So long as the ruling elite profits from its lack of accountability to the people, it will not push for fundamental change.

Europe must make the first move. EU leaders should invite Russia to join the union, on the condition, of course, that it satisfies all of the conditions for membership. By extending this offer, the EU would not be obliged to accept Russia any time soon, just as it has been in no hurry to admit Turkey.

The offer should therefore not set off a revolution. But it would deprive Russian policymakers of a favorite argument -- that Europe has no room for Russia. Eventually, this would change everything, because it would link the yearning for justice and equity that is so deeply rooted in the Russian soul with a move toward integration with Europe.

As the 21st century opens, Europe can once more emerge as a driving force behind a transformation of the world for the better. In order to do that, it should engage with Russia and call upon it to join the expanding union of European nations. This would require a break with the EU's tradition of waiting for countries outside the union to apply for membership. As a first step, the EU could take action on eliminating visas for Russian citizens. The potential benefit of such overtures to the EU, and to Russia, would more than justify bending the rules.

Vladislav Inozemtsev is a professor of economics, director of the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and editor of the Russian edition of Le Monde Diplomatique.