An Inclusive D-Day Fest

An officer in Her Majesty's armed forces was recently heard to quip that the Allies would not have invaded Normandy if they had known how difficult it would be to commemorate it.Fifty years after the historic invasion of France, a high-visibility celebration has been planned, but the scheduled events have caused more than a little consternation. Germany and Russia are offended that they have been excluded, and President Bill Clinton, who has no military experience, is calling in consultants to come up with an appropriate theme. Finding the right message, however, will be much more difficult, since the decision was made to mark this historic event in the traditional way -- which now seems wholly inadequate.The world is very different from what it was 50 years ago. Germany, once the evil-incarnate enemy, is now a united, democratic country, an important U.S. ally and the linchpin of stability in Europe. In addition, one of the critical players on the allied side no longer exists. The Soviet Union, which heroically beat back Nazi attempts to conquer it, has splintered into a mostly non-Communist, multi-country region.Rather than deal with these new complicating factors, the French, who are hosting the D-Day events, adopted a formula that accomplishes no particular objective. It does not place essential focus on the veterans, who are bound to be overshadowed by too many politicians, nor does it give the participating heads of state an opportunity to draw on D-Day's contemporary meaning.Of the nine heads of state invited by the French, it is known only that Germany and Russia are not among them.This is unfortunate. If any heads of state were going to participate, inclusion should have been the order of the day. The reason is simple: Who the protagonists were in 1944 is not nearly as important or relevant as the nature of the struggle itself. The "great crusade," as Dwight Eisenhower called it, was assembled to defeat fascism. This was successfully done, and Germany went through the painful process of de-Nazification. Not inviting Germany implies that we harbor some belief that the Germans have a kind of ethnic original sin.The decision to exclude also constitutes the loss of a real opportunity. Many contemporary Germans regard the Allied victory as the "liberation" of their country from the fascist grip, and they express gratitude that history turned out as it did. The German presence on the Normandy beaches for the 50th would have given legitimacy to that feeling in Germany and emphasized Bonn's own commitment to keeping fascism from ever dominating political life again.It was also wrong not to invite the Russians, and perhaps other countries of the former Soviet Union. Failing to do so symbolically decouples the Eastern and Western fronts and ignores the impact the Soviet effort had on the success of D-Day. Even worse, failing to invite the former Soviets has given credence to those in the East who say the West never appreciated their role in defeating Hitler. Such an omission also deepens the sense of isolation that is now widely felt all over the region.Although Americans tend to play down the importance of symbolism, it is a highly potent force in many countries around the world. It is intriguing, for instance, that on VE Day plus 10 years, Germany became a full member of NATO. The dates agreed upon by the United States and its allies must have been a clearly calculated effort to demonstrate Germany's rebirth as a member of the international community. Why, then, is it so difficult some 40 years later?As in so many other instances, the world is waiting for U.S. leadership. We should have insisted on complete inclusion as a prerequisite for presidential participation. If not, the commemoration should have remained a veterans' affair.The presence of Germany and Russia would have brought valued closure to whatever wounds remain. It would have underscored that those allies who fought not only won the war against fascism, but also paved the way eventually by their ultimate sacrifice for a new Europe of peaceful democratic countries.Susan Eisenhower is the granddaughter of President Dwight Eisenhower and chairperson of the Center for Post-Soviet Studies. She contributed this comment to The Washington Post.