Install

Get the latest updates as we post them — right on your browser

Today's paper. Last Updated: 05/28/2012

The Public Television Predicament

Responding to efforts to formulate a concept of public-service broadcasting in Russia, legendary television personality Anatoly Lysenko quipped: "The authorities tossed the public a bone, and rather than chew on the bone members of the public began gnawing on one another."

President Dmitry Medvedev proposed creating a public broadcasting service in his address to the Federal Assembly in late December. The idea became part of a set of proposals aimed at introducing greater democracy to the country's political system. Medvedev called for a concept of public broadcasting to be placed on his desk by March 1.

Two working groups were formed to carry out that request. The first is led by Mikhail Fedotov, chairman of the Presidential Council on Human Rights. The second was formed by the Press and Communications Ministry and includes senior members of the ministry, the presidential administration, Channel One television and the All-Russia State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company.

No sooner had they set to work than it became clear just how difficult it is to create a public broadcasting service in Russia.

As leading television host and noted thinker Leonid Parfyonov complained at the protest rally on Bolotnaya Ploshchad on Feb. 4, the task of developing a concept for freeing television from state control was given to the presidential administration — that is, to the very same people who first made national television the lapdog of government in the 2000s.

Another leader of public opinion, Patriarch Kirill, was undoubtedly referring to the almost exclusively liberal membership of the Presidential Council on Human Rights when he said public television risks becoming a "mouthpiece for the minority that declares its demands more loudly than anyone else."

Russia is 20 years late in its efforts to create a public broadcasting system. Even in developed democracies, the digital revolution has thrown traditional broadcasting into a crisis. As a result, no traditional Western model will help us, says Lysenko who is a member of both working groups. He contends that dreaming up such a system from scratch in just two months would be a profanation.

I would add that Medvedev did not provide any vision of the mission for public television. He said only that it should not be dependent on the taxpayer's money, advertising revenues or big business. And then he directed television professionals to carry out his instructions. That is like telling generals to reform the army.

Does that mean we should give up on the idea of public broadcasting in Russia? Of course not. I think it is extremely important that the question be on the agenda. In our complex society, there is no better exercise in democracy than the practical task of creating a public broadcasting service.

Both parliamentary and radical opposition parties will demonstrate the degree of their maturity by their ability to force the government to fulfill its promise regarding public broadcasting, as well as by their success in contributing to the creation of a nonpoliticized, neutral and objective television venue. But if we hope to see a qualitative result, it will require more than two hurried months of work.

Alexei Pankin is the editor of WAN-IFRA-GIPP Magazine for publishing business professionals.





This article has no comments.

Be the first to leave a comment


Discussion
The Moscow Times welcomes your comments and invites you to discuss topics with other readers. Your comment will be posted automatically to enable a live discussion. If you aren't familiar with our comments policy, you can read it here.

If you're a registered user, you can start typing your comment below. If not, take a moment to sign up. and then return to the article.

If your comment doesn't appear, contact us by using our web form.

Comments

Comments via Facebook



Also in Opinion

There's Just One Nationality — Mathematician

Nationalism is an infantile disease. It is the measles of mankind."

Russia's New Propaganda Minister

After Monday's announcement that historian Vladimir Medinsky was appointed the culture minister, critics quickly labeled him the new propaganda minister. Medinsky's academic ethics and historical distortions may raise serious questions, but for the Kremlin, he has three important attributes that are much more important: He is a model United Russia leader, a firm Putin loyalist and a skilled sophist.

Spinning Medvedev's Government

Were this 2008 and not 2012 — and had Dmitry Medvedev been named prime minister without having first served a full term as president — then the composition of his new government might have created a generally positive impression.

New Government Faces Old Problems

A longstanding platitude shared by both the Kremlin as well as domestic and foreign analysts is the need for Russia to diversify its economy away from energy dependence and reduce its non-oil budget deficit.

Putin's Postman Delivers Nothing at the G8

In the mid-1990s, former President Boris Yeltsin fought hard for the right to sit as equal at the same table with the leaders of the world's seven leading democracies. Using a lot of political wrangling, Moscow finally secured permanent membership in this elite club where the real heavyweights are supposed to solve the world's most pressing problems.

Russia Stays Home

Just three days before his return to the Kremlin as president, Vladimir Putin met behind closed doors at his residence in Novo-Ogaryovo, outside Moscow, with U.S. National Security Adviser Tom Donilon, who was there to transmit President Barack Obama's renewed determination to strengthen cooperation with Russia.



print


Comments

This article has no comments.

Be the first to leave a comment



Tags
media
To Our Readers

The Moscow Times welcomes letters to the editor. Letters for publication should be signed and bear the signatory's address and telephone number.

Letters to the editor should be sent by fax to (7-495) 232-6529, by e-mail to oped@imedia.ru, or by post. The Moscow Times reserves the right to edit letters.



Most Read
MarketGid