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Today's paper. Last Updated: 05/28/2012

Modernization Is Not Perestroika

President Dmitry Medvedev’s ambitious modernization goals remind me of former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika. In fact, we are now at the two-year mark of Medvedev’s program, and if you look at where Gorbachev’s program was two years after it was initiated, you will see an amazing parallel — both projects amounted to little more than hype and empty slogans.

Many parallels have been drawn between Russia and the Soviet Union. United Russia has replaced the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the State Duma has taken the place of the Supreme Soviet. Much like in the old days, opposition rallies are dispersed, and the courts rule in favor of the government line.

There are even cases when Russia has outdone the Soviet Union — for example, exports of oil, gas and other raw materials now equal 75 percent of the gross domestic product, whereas under former Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev the figure was 50 percent. In addition, there are now more bureaucrats in Russia than existed in all of the Soviet Union.

At the same time, Russians now easily travel abroad, information flows freely, Internet access is uncensored, opposition leaders can openly criticize the Kremlin (although their access to the main media outlets is restricted). Moreover, Russians own a total of 1.5 million small and medium-sized businesses, practically all apartments are privately owned, and even the sale of land and construction of private homes is permitted. In addition, in 2008 Moscow had more billionaires — 33 — than any other city, according to Forbes. In short, Russia is a relatively free society with an authoritarian government — a symbiosis impossible from the standpoint of classical Western sociological theory, but one that seems to fit Russia.

The overwhelming majority of Soviets supported the idea of perestroika when it was first introduced by Gorbachev. The problem, of course, is that while they acquired new freedoms, the economic situation got worse with every year of perestroika until the whole system collapsed in 1991. Looking back, the planned economy should have been fundamentally restructured before it collapsed. Gorbachev’s Band-Aid approach was clearly not enough.

Although modern Russia is not a democracy in the Western definition of the term, it is also clearly not a tyranny. Russia is a social system that has sprung up in a world driven by materialistic values. Russia chose this path itself, but the current system would probably have failed to take hold in a world less cynical and materialistic than the present one.

Russia could not exist if the Europeans were not willing to buy Russian oil and gas through quasi-criminal intermediaries, without investors eager to pour their money into speculative bubbles in the Russian stock market and without offshore havens through which Russia’s wealthiest businesspeople and officials keep their holdings.

The biggest problem with this system is that it is unable to generate an innovation-driven economy based on knowledge and high-technology. Understanding this fundamental defect, the more-progressive members of the elite declared a campaign for modernization. But the initial steps taken toward this goal demonstrate that, in contrast to the past slogans of perestroika, the new modernization call does not motivate anyone. Deeply mired in the complacency of “stability” — or stagnation, as many would call it — Russia has no desire to modernize. The country is thus doomed to stagger along in its endless phase of status quo.

Modernization will never replicate perestroika — neither in its initial positive successes, not in its tragic failure. Thus, Russia won’t suffer any great upheavals, but it will never be a great economic powerhouse either.

Vladislav Inozemtsev is a professor of economics, director of the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and editor-in-chief of Svobodnaya Mysl. This comment appeared in Vedomosti.





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Modernization Is Not Perestroika

Agree, but ..." The Communist system lasted 70 years, and failed only once. Capitalism has existed for half a millenium (500 years)  and failed regularly. Why is the one collapse considered the final - and the other episodic ? "

When Norway and Russia had settled their claims in the Barent´s sea some weeks ago, afte 40 years, the Norwegian Nobel-peaceprizecommitte, awarded a jailed Chinese dissident the Peace-prize. (Brave Norway, has very big merchant fleet, oil, gas, no starving/Sult,and its author, Knut Hamsun, with giving his nobelprizemedal to Goebbels, builded up its infrastructure with 100.000 Soviet POWs.).

The Russians and the Nato-but-not-EU-Norwegians laughed the whole way to the bank,after securing the Arctic wealth for themselves. Medvedev added, enjoyed,: All by ourselves ,No Nato-partnership-interference this time  !  

Congratulations, Sweden got the Nordstream pipe, at our continental eco-shelf, (the Finns lost Pechenga,Nickel  1944) long ago, and a new harbour for the constructions most, at Slite, Gotland, always something, (for active blocking the Russian rawmaterial-export, when she links up so fine with Germany, as in old days.)

But China, the great one Communist "success-story ?," proving with outmost impudence, that it´s capitalistic system could work very well, without both counterpart and democracy, and must then be punished, flogged, and be put in the corner. Problems, their problems,... the tracks of Soljzenitsyn ?? , a bit agitating.

Take the Green Island, the Irish Republic (EU) , former Celtic tiger, now mired in deep trouble, unemployment, rising from 4 to 14 %, real estate bubble, bankcrashes, the usual EU-pere-stroika-picture, taking some 10 years to recover from. Where is that inventiondriven Irish economy ?  New pub-chains-concepts  ? 

Think this will be the "post-modern" reality for all of us, like V. Inozemtsev put it.ChorusRule Britannia, über Alles Deutschland, Du gamla du fria,(Swe),the CCCP-anthem, Det är ett yndeligt land (Nor) and the Irish : A nation once again...

(and please refuse this comments harshly,like a repressive piano teacher at Bolsjoj , if it not fits.)

Modernization Is Not Perestroika

This analysis may be too pessimistic and too categorical.  How developments will unfold in Russia is uncertain, just as they were in the USSR two years into perestroika.

Then a Kremlin leader thought economic improvement could occur in the absence of reforms which might challenge the role of the CPSU.  Now a Kremlin leader believes economic "modernization" can take place without leading to pressures that might undermine the authoritarian political structure.

Then a Kremlin leader employed more vigorous public affairs strategies and allowed more open discussion (glasnost) to help motivate people to support his changes.  Now a Kremlin leader governs in a more open information environment, with unfettered Internet access but with national TV tightly controlled. 

Then glasnost helped fuel expectations and opposition to repression which the leader could not control.  Now a more open environment for public debate could foment unrest in civil society and lead to the emergence of political forces which the Kremlin might be unable to control.

Then a mildly reformist leader thought he could stay in power despite having stimulated political life so much that it gained independent momentum.  Now a mildly reformist Kremlin leader thinks he can remain in power despite encouraging new forces which favor more economic opportunity.

Many hoped that political development in Russia would accelerate by now, and they have come to lament the apparent weakness of civil society there.  In Ukraine many have thought civil society is stronger than in Russia.  The answer may soon be forthcoming.  Yanukovych is rolling back freedoms at a rapid rate, testing the strength of Ukraine's civil society which has yet to react strongly.

Gorbachev was playing with fire and did not realize it.  Medvedev (and Putin) and Yanukovych may be doing the same but not understanding the complex dynamics at work.

Civil society has a voice in both countries, but has not yet found its voice in either.

 

Modernization Is Not Perestroika

I enjoyed your article. There shoud be more voices like yours in Russia, but, as always, I’m surprised how Russians have so low esteem about their own country future.

Mr. Medvedev is not mr. Gorbachev (their cultural courage is different and, besides, Russia is not Ussr) and modernization is not perestroika, sure. (By the way, I don’t remember that Russians warmed up too much for mr. Gorbachev at that time. They got Eltsin and, I’m sorry, they deserved him.)

Russia has no desire to modernize? Maybe, but not Russians.

I’m always surprised how so little generous Russians are with mr. Medvedev, who, very likely, feels constantly silovicki’s breath behind his shoulders.

Given (hopefully) mr. Putin’s honest friendship [‘patronage’?], mr. Medvedev is trying to do something and I don’t see anyone else to be so ‘visionary’ (to use mr. Schwarzenegger’s words).

Modernization (that always risks to turn in an empty word if it’s a Maoist-like charade, I know) is just a way not to let Russia sink on oil and gas not lasting incomes, and, if successful, is not peanuts in Russia.

But if Skolkovo is not a drive for a myriad of small-medium modernization projects (with massive use of Russian universities input) and, consequently, a cultural change, if Skolkovo will be only a ‘bonbonniere’, it will not a lasting change for the better.

In short, we can just be optimist, because, to be pessimist, we will always have plenty of time.

My best wishes and regards.

 

 

Modernization Is Not Perestroika

Look at the flowering "Civic society", three comments, as most,  like above, from abroad, impressing, sure, but  the Russians keep quiet. The civic society in East, never appear, it was the  5-7 % , the nomenklatura elite, that orchestered, the mostly European (!)" Fall of communism," in order to take control over its assets. They succeeded, and destroyed the economic possibilities forever, for Russia to perform as a superpower, like a fifthcolumn. (Perhaps Solidarnosc was a basic civic society, but then most on socialist working class basis in Poland, they don´t exist today.). What else could had happened in Eastern Europe ?

But what kind of party is United Russia ? A socialdemocracy or a rightist party, or just a powerparty, same memberstock as CPSU ?  When the socialdemocrat movement, failed in elections, as just now in U.K., Sweden,(= as the 1914 elections result)  Austria, then the door to national-socialistic parties opens, horrors vacuui. 

I think the development , a pro-capitalistic possibility was already shaped during 1930s, in USSR, grounded in critics of the economic development, compared to the West´s , and all those trials of the oppositions camps took place, finished off by the Great terror. Because of the victory in the war, the system was reinforced, hard to argue against, during Stalin.

Modus operandi for the Yeltsin clique 1999:  The possibility to crack Nato, during it´s failed bombing campaign against Yugoslavia 1999, was never used by Russia, but could have been distastrous for the Nato. Moscow refused to provide the Serbs with antiaircraftsmissiles, and threated breaking delivery of oil. A Nato deafeat with some 20 aircrafts downed, could had breaked it´s unity. As USA took advantage of the Russian chrisis 1991. And what happened ? Nato was reinforced, and is Russia´s nearest neighbor, with bases in the backyards of Russia and China. But it could never really smash the Serb´s army. 

But instead Putin could take on  a new Chechenya war, without the Wests media attention, as payment. So with this diplomacy, domestic and foreign policy,  Russia is most unpredictable.

 

 


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