Install

Get the latest updates as we post them — right on your browser

Today's paper. Last Updated: 05/28/2012

An Investor's Wish List

Economic modernization is high on Russia’s agenda. It is not difficult to agree that modernization is needed for the country to realize its economic potential and that a more modern economy would be less exposed to the vagaries of international commodity and financial markets. After agreeing on this, discussions often turn to the need for basic research — one of Russia’s clear strengths — and how to turn this research into innovative business activities. But along the way, the discussions too often lose sight of the simple fact that for modernization to actually occur on the ground, what Russia needs is new investment.

The investors that Russia wants to attract — be they domestic or foreign — are those who look for the stability and predictability that allow them to make long-term commitments. That is why strong economic policy institutions and frameworks are so important. Among economists, these terms refer to the broader set of bodies and laws that include corporate governance, low corruption, social safety nets and prudent monetary and fiscal policy management. Equally important is the practical behavior of those in charge — in other words, implementation. This is all especially relevant because Russia’s policy frameworks remain largely in a formative state, even though it has been 20 years since the country started its transition to a market-based economy. The response to the global crisis offers an opportunity to assess Russia’s frameworks and chart the way forward.

First, consider Russia’s reaction to the global crisis. The dual shock of collapsing oil prices and reversals in international capital markets in late 2008 hit the country particularly hard. After some hesitation, the macroeconomic and financial policy response was both forceful and broad-based. A major budget expansion was carried out in the second half of 2009, monetary and exchange rate policies were generally accommodative, and a large injection of liquidity and relaxation of prudential regulations helped ease the situation in the banking system. All told, Russia’s response to the global crisis was quite effective and showed that certain aspects of the country’s frameworks do work well. This was especially true of the government’s reserve funds from oil windfalls and the Central Bank’s anti-crisis measures.

Nevertheless, the severity of the spillovers from global events points to shortcomings in how economic policy has been formulated and implemented in practice. The policy frameworks did not prevent expansionary fiscal and monetary policies in the run-up to the crisis, even as the economy had strong momentum of its own and vulnerabilities in the banking system were allowed to build up. The result was an economy that was becoming more dependent on oil. It was also overheated when the global crisis struck.

What lessons does this experience hold for the future? The highest priority will be to put in place a more firmly anchored framework for government budget policy. To reduce its oil dependence, Russia faces the task of scaling back public spending over the medium term, especially after the expansionary budget policies during the years of high oil prices, culminating in the anti-crisis fiscal stimulus. This is a difficult task that will require a convincing plan for fiscal policy for the years ahead to help organize budget priorities and improve investor confidence. Experience from other countries has demonstrated the usefulness of adopting a medium-term budget “anchor” and then formulating annual budgets with this in mind. For Russia, a target on the government deficit excluding revenue from the petroleum sector — the so-called “non-oil deficit” — would help move spending in line with available budget income over time and limit the crowding out of private investment. To support the achievement of this target, restarting reforms of the public sector and refraining from excessive use of supplementary budgets are both needed.

A second priority is to focus monetary policy even more directly on inflation, through the Central Bank’s move to a full-fledged formal inflation-targeting framework. This is because low and stable inflation is essential for sound development of the financial sector and for the saving and investment needed to underpin longer-term growth. Russia would be well advised to use the opportunity provided by the current relatively low inflation to anchor its price level. Inflation could be targeted at between 5 percent and 6 percent over the near term, with a further reduction in coming years. Experience from other emerging market countries suggests that focusing monetary policy effectively on inflation will mean adopting a flexible exchange rate. The Central Bank’s moves in this direction over the past year are therefore welcome.

In the financial sector, banks need to resume credit extension. More fundamentally, the banking system should be further developed to help channel domestic saving to productive uses. Both point to the need for a strong supervisory policy framework. For the near term, priorities include improved provisioning and capitalization standards. Looking further ahead, the Central Bank could usefully be afforded greater authority in consolidated supervision. In addition to a sound macroeconomic environment, a more stable and developed financial system will require the implementation of a broader agenda, including increased competition in the financial sector and a tightening of accounting and reporting standards.

Finally, the policy frameworks defining Russia’s investment climate need enhancement. The importance of predictability and more rules-based processes in policies affecting the business environment is generally understood and agreed. Key steps include scaling back the role of the state, reforming the civil service, curtailing government influence on economic decision making, protecting property rights, fighting corruption and joining the World Trade Organization. Policy plans exist across the full range of these issues, but implementation has been lagging.

Russia’s leaders understand this reform agenda well, and the expected payoffs of stronger economic policy frameworks for the country are very substantial. A strengthening of these frameworks holds the key to the sound policy implementation that will unlock the country’s economic potential through modernization.

Odd Per Brekk is the senior resident representative of the International Monetary Fund in Russia.





This article has 1 comment on TheMoscowTimes.com and 0 comments on Facebook.

Leave a comment


Discussion
The Moscow Times welcomes your comments and invites you to discuss topics with other readers. Your comment will be posted automatically to enable a live discussion. If you aren't familiar with our comments policy, you can read it here.

If you're a registered user, you can start typing your comment below. If not, take a moment to sign up. and then return to the article.

If your comment doesn't appear, contact us by using our web form.

Comments



An Investor's Wish List

''joining the World Trade Organisation''?

Russia's trade behaviour is the almost perfect justification for the very existence of the WTO.  It is 180 degrees ''anti-WTO''; a complete Politico-Mercantilist approach.

If your country toes the Kremlin Line, trade is likely to flourish.  Cross the line, and bad things happen.

The examples are legion:  

Sudden, capricious import bans or taxes: on wine and water from Georgia and Moldova; on chicken, or pork from the US; on basic chemicals from China; on construction contracting from Turkey; on second-hand cars from Japan; on tractors from Belarus  . . . .

Sudden, capricious export bans or taxes: on gas to Ukraine, Bulgaria, Poland, Belarus, western Europe; on live crabs to Japan; on logs to Scandinavia . . . .

Kremlin-kleptocracy:  the expropriation by militaro-legislative pressure of companies desired by the siloviki: Yukos, Shell and Exxon Sakhalin, TNK-BP . . . . 

Targetted frontier obstruction: the delay to or rejection of trucks/ships etc. where specific  imports might inconvenience the nomenklatura

Legal ambiguism:  the drafting of laws and tax codes deliberately ambiguously - so that any foreign investor may [when later convenient to the siloviki] be 'interpreted' as being in breach 

Export dumping:  steel to China, US, the EU; magnesium; ferro-silicon; ferro-chrome; ammonium nitrate to the EU . . . . .

Theft of Intellectual Property:  production, in military-controlled factories, of pirated western CDs and DVDs

 

The list is literally endless.  And the latest Russian government moves towards a Soviet-like are likely to reverse any recent progress.   So it is hard to see how a WTO that is worthy of the name can consider admitting an habitual contravener of all of its rules. Not now, not any time in the foreseeable future.

And the issue of ''reform'' as it is understood in the Kremlin – i.e. a thin coating of advanced technology over an unchanged economy and bureaucracy – hides the key, underlying question.  

For ''reform'' people have to take decisions and actions that will improve their [and society's] lot in the long term, at the expence of some short-term gain.  For that, they need to trust.

In Russia, there is no trust.

 


Report Inappropriate Comment




Comments via Facebook



Also in Opinion

There's Just One Nationality — Mathematician

Nationalism is an infantile disease. It is the measles of mankind."

Russia's New Propaganda Minister

After Monday's announcement that historian Vladimir Medinsky was appointed the culture minister, critics quickly labeled him the new propaganda minister. Medinsky's academic ethics and historical distortions may raise serious questions, but for the Kremlin, he has three important attributes that are much more important: He is a model United Russia leader, a firm Putin loyalist and a skilled sophist.

Spinning Medvedev's Government

Were this 2008 and not 2012 — and had Dmitry Medvedev been named prime minister without having first served a full term as president — then the composition of his new government might have created a generally positive impression.

New Government Faces Old Problems

A longstanding platitude shared by both the Kremlin as well as domestic and foreign analysts is the need for Russia to diversify its economy away from energy dependence and reduce its non-oil budget deficit.

Putin's Postman Delivers Nothing at the G8

In the mid-1990s, former President Boris Yeltsin fought hard for the right to sit as equal at the same table with the leaders of the world's seven leading democracies. Using a lot of political wrangling, Moscow finally secured permanent membership in this elite club where the real heavyweights are supposed to solve the world's most pressing problems.

Russia Stays Home

Just three days before his return to the Kremlin as president, Vladimir Putin met behind closed doors at his residence in Novo-Ogaryovo, outside Moscow, with U.S. National Security Adviser Tom Donilon, who was there to transmit President Barack Obama's renewed determination to strengthen cooperation with Russia.



print


Comments

This article has 1 comment on TheMoscowTimes.com and 0 comments on Facebook.

Leave a comment


To Our Readers

The Moscow Times welcomes letters to the editor. Letters for publication should be signed and bear the signatory's address and telephone number.

Letters to the editor should be sent by fax to (7-495) 232-6529, by e-mail to oped@imedia.ru, or by post. The Moscow Times reserves the right to edit letters.



Most Read
MarketGid