Khasbulatov May Be Right In Chechnya
07 October 1995
After Friday's devastating bomb attack that left the commander of the Russian forces in Chechnya, Anatoly Romanov, in critical condition, it might seem unlikely that anyone would be willing, let alone able to bring peace and stability to Chechnya. But if anyone can, perhaps it is Ruslan Khasbulatov.
The speaker of Russia's ill-fated Su-preme Soviet, Khasbulatov might not at first sight seem the ideal bearer of an olive branch. He was jailed briefly for his role in the events leading up to the bombardment of the White House in October 1993. That makes him less than popular with the Kremlin. And he has also been a steadfast critic of Chechen President Dzhokhar Dudayev.
But times change. A month ago, President Boris Yeltsin himself suggested that his old adversary might be among those best suited to help bring about a peace settlement. And for the past week, Khasbulatov has been back in Chechnya, promoting a campaign of reconstruction and reconciliation.
One can only assume that Khasbulatov has ambitions for the top spot in the republic. He is clever and able -- qualities that are surely essential to sew together the shreds of Chechen society and put the republic back on its feet.
Unlike most of the Chechen "opposition" leaders, Khasbulatov is neither compromised nor tainted in any way by the war. Wisely, he kept quiet and distant when the troops went in. His last trip to Chechnya before the present one was as a would-be mediator in the weeks leading up to the intervention.
There are some, of course, who distrust him, for the fact that he was not in Chechnya during the war, but safe and comfortable in Moscow. Khasbulatov's swift denunciation of the Moscow-backed National Revival Government of Salambek Khadzhiyev as a hindrance to peace was doubtless aimed at assuaging some of these doubts. The underlying message was clear: He, Khasbulatov, was no Moscow lackey, in Chechnya simply to carry out its bidding.
Here history stands him in good stead. The events of October 1993 probably put an end to Khasbulatov's prospects of playing any role in federal politics. But in Chechnya, they can still enhance his reputation.
And as Yeltsin rather drily observed, Khasbulatov has learned a lot since then. In Chechnya, he is emphasizing negotiation rather than confrontation. And in the end, negotiations will provide the only way for the republic to come to some sort of agreement with Russia on its status and right to run its own affairs. Armed resistance to Moscow's huge military might must in the long term be futile. Perhaps Khasbulatov is the man who could actually bring it off. If so, why not let him?
The speaker of Russia's ill-fated Su-preme Soviet, Khasbulatov might not at first sight seem the ideal bearer of an olive branch. He was jailed briefly for his role in the events leading up to the bombardment of the White House in October 1993. That makes him less than popular with the Kremlin. And he has also been a steadfast critic of Chechen President Dzhokhar Dudayev.
But times change. A month ago, President Boris Yeltsin himself suggested that his old adversary might be among those best suited to help bring about a peace settlement. And for the past week, Khasbulatov has been back in Chechnya, promoting a campaign of reconstruction and reconciliation.
One can only assume that Khasbulatov has ambitions for the top spot in the republic. He is clever and able -- qualities that are surely essential to sew together the shreds of Chechen society and put the republic back on its feet.
Unlike most of the Chechen "opposition" leaders, Khasbulatov is neither compromised nor tainted in any way by the war. Wisely, he kept quiet and distant when the troops went in. His last trip to Chechnya before the present one was as a would-be mediator in the weeks leading up to the intervention.
There are some, of course, who distrust him, for the fact that he was not in Chechnya during the war, but safe and comfortable in Moscow. Khasbulatov's swift denunciation of the Moscow-backed National Revival Government of Salambek Khadzhiyev as a hindrance to peace was doubtless aimed at assuaging some of these doubts. The underlying message was clear: He, Khasbulatov, was no Moscow lackey, in Chechnya simply to carry out its bidding.
Here history stands him in good stead. The events of October 1993 probably put an end to Khasbulatov's prospects of playing any role in federal politics. But in Chechnya, they can still enhance his reputation.
And as Yeltsin rather drily observed, Khasbulatov has learned a lot since then. In Chechnya, he is emphasizing negotiation rather than confrontation. And in the end, negotiations will provide the only way for the republic to come to some sort of agreement with Russia on its status and right to run its own affairs. Armed resistance to Moscow's huge military might must in the long term be futile. Perhaps Khasbulatov is the man who could actually bring it off. If so, why not let him?
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