When the military operation in Chechnya winds up, we are going to have to figure out by what mechanism the decision was made at the highest levels to begin this "miniwar." But now, while the operation continues, we must exercise restraint in our analyses and commentaries. It is not a matter of censorship: So far, there has been none of that. Rather, it is a matter of self-restraint, which is called for under the dictum "do no harm." Today, I will write only about the most essential things -- and with maximal restraint.


The government's original attempts "to calm" the populace with deceptions has given way to a predilection for euphemisms. They don't say we are shooting the Chechens, but that we are "giving an appropriate response." They don't say that it is a war, but that it is "a military disarmament operation." We are not bombing Grozny; we are "carrying out missile strikes against strategic targets." Someone even said that our military is acting "not with an ax, but with a scalpel."


I will restrain from evaluating what is happening on the battlefield. But there can be do doubt that our troops are not operating with "an ax" or "a scalpel," but with tanks, planes and missiles. And we must admit that the flame-throwers sent there can hardly be called scalpels. It is hard to believe in the humanity of a flame-thrower, or in the selectivity of missile strikes. However, it is impossible not to believe the reports by Sergei Kovalyov of destroyed homes and the corpses of peaceful civilians on Grozny's streets.


And what is it all for? A lot has been said, and justly, about the illegality of Dzhokhar Dudayev's regime, about the huge economic harm done by the Chechen "black hole," and about criminals who have found refuge there. However, I can't shake the feeling that the military pressure is too extreme, and that it has become an end in itself. We have not been told why the attack began before the first ultimatum expired, and before the negotiations to which Dudayev had agreed were to begin. We do not know why the government did not try to use the blockade of Grozny as a new way of pressuring a political solution. ...


During the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, Nikita Khrushchev was not afraid to back down. And the world did not say that the Soviet leader had lost face. Another example is the French King Henry IV, who ended France's long wars between Protestants and Catholics. He left us with the memorable phrase, "Paris is worth a few masses." In this spirit, I would like to say to Russia's politicians: Grozny is not worth a war. Izvestia, Dec. 20





And we cannot understand why Russian politicians cannot agree to the high-level negotiations that Dudayev has proposed. Of course the formal reason is clear: It is not for him to demand equality with the leaders of Russia.


We do not want to give reason to believe we will agree to sovereignty for Chechnya. An, of course it quite possible that Dudayev is lying again, and that he is not really interested in negotiating at all. However the real issue here is not Dudayev. It is the people who are dying on both sides. In the face of this fact, everything else is immaterial and unconvincing.


We all know politicians who are unwilling to part with their principles. Take, for example, the inflexible Stalinist/Bolshevik Nina Andreyeva. But she has always been considered the antipode of our current reforms. History has also seen politicians who were willing to abandon thier principles.


Journalists Under Fire


According to information from the Glasnost Defense Foundation, 34 Russian and foreign journalists suffered various kinds of persecution between Dec. 1 and Dec. 17 in Chechnya and surrounding regions. Every case involved combatants, who sought to hinder their work, and several cases involved soldiers shooting into groups of journalists.


On Dec. 1, a group of 10 Russian journalists was not allowed into the town of Modok, where they intended to join a group of Duma deputies on a flight to Grozny. On Dec. 11, a photographer from Associated Press was detained by Russian soldiers 60 kilometers from Grozny, and his film was confiscated. On Dec. 12, a radio correspondent was detained by Russian soldiers in Chechnya and was escorted back to Dagestan. His accreditation was confiscated along with audio cassettes of his reports. On Dec. 13, at 1 P.M., Russian soldiers opened fire without warning on a car rented by Reuters. When the car stopped, the soldiers confiscated a camera, which was later returned when the reporters gave them two bottles of vodka. Later, a dozen bullet holes were found in the car.


On Dec. 16, the Russian government's temporary information center stopped issuing accreditation to journalists working in Chechnya. The Russian government warned journalists to leave Grozny within 24 hours. On Dec. 17, according to The Associated Press, Russian intelligence agents turned off the telephones in the hotel in Vladikavkaz where journalists following developments in Chechnya were staying.


Nezavisimaya Gazeta, Dec. 20





Terrorism in Moscow?


It is already obvious that Dudayev's threat that "the land will burn under the feet of the occupation" is not coming true, and not very many Chechens have been dreaming about dying under the treads of Russian tanks. What is more, the Russian capital has not become a war zone.


There are more than 10,000 Chechens living in Moscow, many of whom have their own apartments and residence permits. Since the military operation began in Chechnya, that number has decreased, since many Moscow Chechens have returned home to defend their families.


Moscow's Chechens do not have a general plan to combat terrorism. Most say that "not many such madmen will be found who are willing to blow up innocent people."


"On television they are saying that terrorism in Moscow would benefit Chechen criminals, claiming they would use the diversion as an excuse to get even with their competitors," says Ruslan B. "That is nonsense. For one thing, such a situation would be much more useful to the "Slavic" groups. For another, Chechens in Moscow are not involved in petty crime and extortion. We are in places where there is big money to be made -- banks, casinos, hotels. We have no need for terrorism."


Shakhmirza Bikhoyev, a leader of Moscow's Chechen community, is convinced that Dudayev is bluffing. He says it is impossible to believe anything Dudayev says. "For three years now, he has been lying constantly. He has thrown dirt in our faces. Now the whole world considers Chechens not only bandits, but terrorists, as well, even though there is absolutely no basis for this."


Moskovskiye Novosti, Dec. 21





Who Is to Blame?


Today I would like to address an open letter to a person who is suffering great pain, Sazhi Umalatova.


Dear Sazhi! Can it be that we will get used to the words war and death? God forbid. Having lost loved ones myself, I am grieving with you since I heard of your father's death.


I am grieving along with all women (especially mothers) to see the abyss that we are creating on our own territory. People are grieving over their relatives, over Chechnya, over Russia: they have been murdered by those who have been shouting most loudly about universal human values.


The authorities are treating one another like hated enemies. But what else could you expect from those who shot up the constitution, who are indulging the robbery of Russia and are driving it into capitalist slavery?


You survived that with great difficulty, like all of us who still have a conscience. You were one of the last to emerge from the fire of the White House. Your lofty spirit was not broken, and now you are again where our homeland's fate is being decided.


Our nations are living through a common tragedy. We will not be fooled by those who today send soldiers to kill and tomorrow rush to play the peacekeeper, to save the prisoners and pronounce fiery speeches over the corpses of the murdered.


Pravda, Dec. 21