Georgia only seems far away. For Europe, most countries are too easily dismissed as far away. This blindness got the continent into more than one war, and could bring trouble again in the Caucasus.
In the modern world, no one can survive in isolation, and Europe's future today depends on countries like Georgia that only appear to be beyond the horizon.
A decade ago, my own country seemed far away, too. This spring, Estonia joins the European Union and NATO.
Georgia also has a long European heritage. It was part of the Hellenistic world and Roman Empire before succumbing to Russian rule and then, after a brief spell of independence, Soviet conquest.
Over the past dozen years of troubled independence, Georgia has been beset by civil war, political conflict, misery and corruption.
After last month's peaceful "Rose Revolution" forced out President Eduard Shevardnadze, Georgians this month enthusiastically elected a young, Western-educated lawyer as president.
Mikheil Saakashvili offers Georgia a new, possibly last, chance to bring his country back into the West. A lot is at stake. His people are counting on him to bring stability -- as is the United States, which cares about strategic energy routes that pass through Georgia.
Some people have compared Georgia's new young leaders to the "Pro Patria" government of 20- and 30-something reformers in Estonia in 1992, whose radical free-market program made the smallest of the Baltic countries one of the most successful transition stories in the former Soviet empire.
There are indeed similarities between Georgia now and Estonia then, beyond our size and recent historical experience.
In 1992, Estonia was economically ruined and the morale of our people sapped. Shops were empty, forcing people to line up for hours to buy rationed bread and milk.
The currency (the old Soviet ruble) was worthless. Industrial production declined more 30 percent in two years after independence in 1991. Inflation was above 1,000 percent a year, and unemployment 30 percent.
Estonia depended on Russia for energy and most of its trade. Russia was refusing to pull its troops out of the country. Armed extremist groups, on the left and right, as well as a separatist movement supported by Russia, posed a serious threat to democracy in Estonia.
The bad news is, this more or less describes Saakashvili's predicament today.
Back in 1992, many people were pessimistic about our chances too. But we survived. Through painful but decisive reforms, Estonia turned West.
Today, according to the Heritage Foundation/Wall Street Journal Index of Economic Freedom, Estonia is the sixth-most-free economy in the world, ahead of all but two of its future EU partners.
Of course, Estonia isn't Georgia. Georgia has a different history and cultural heritage and sits in another part of Europe. The policies implemented in one country can never be carbon copied onto another. Each country must find its own way. But there are lessons from other transition countries that are highly relevant for Georgia.
From our experience, lesson No. 1 is to build the political foundations first and only then proceed with economic reform. Don't underestimate the importance of a new modern constitution and democratic legislature elected in free and regular elections.
In some transition countries, the need for strong "rule of law" wasn't appreciated. That was a huge mistake. The best intentions can not match the importance of a sound and constantly improving legal environment.
There will be no market economy without laws, strong property rights and a working judicial system. And to fight corruption, as the new Georgian president vows to, you can't trust people from the past. Old dogs don't easily learn new tricks.
The second lesson is summed up by a well-known advertising slogan: "Just do it." In other words, be decisive about adopting reforms and stick with them despite the short-term pain they bring.
A radical reform program launched as quickly as possible has a much greater chance of being accepted than either a delayed radical program or a non-radical alternative that introduces difficult measures in a piecemeal fashion.
The third lesson is: Keep it simple. Most workable solutions are simple ones. Of course, achieving real change isn't easy.
The new Georgian government must stabilize the economy and regain the confidence of financial markets. To do this, Georgia must cut its budget deficit and start to collect taxes.
The simplest way is to introduce a low proportional income tax, which is easy to collect and hard to avoid. The economy must be liberalized and opened to competition.
As a weak state, Georgia can't collect custom duties anyhow; it's better to abolish them and turn Georgia to big free-trade area. State-owned companies must be privatized, but only after passing necessary laws and creating institutions. All this creates preconditions for foreign investment, which Georgia desperately needs.
By following this recipe, Georgia will have a chance to turn firmly toward the United States and Europe. Cooperation with the West, through NATO, is the only way to get the Russians to pull their troops out and restore the territorial integrity of this strategically placed country.
The best way to fight the separatism that threatens Georgia's future, in other words, is successful reform. While the United States gave material help to the people's revolution and supports Georgia's independence, Europe seems all too happy to dismiss Georgia as "a far-away country."
Now is the time to give real support. If done correctly, Georgia can become a model for the other troubled countries in the Caucasus and Central Asia.
But the best help Georgia can get today is clear encouragement to help itself. In the end, no one else can force reform on a country.
Georgia's leaders don't have much time. Hopes are riding high. The window of opportunity to take the extraordinary steps that I've described lasts only a few months, perhaps a year.
If Georgia doesn't take advantage of this momentum, it'll waste this chance. Then we'd all lose.
Maat Laar was prime minister of Estonia in 1992-94 and 1999-2002. This comment first appeared in the Jan. 20 edition of the Wall Street Journal.
In the modern world, no one can survive in isolation, and Europe's future today depends on countries like Georgia that only appear to be beyond the horizon.
A decade ago, my own country seemed far away, too. This spring, Estonia joins the European Union and NATO.
Georgia also has a long European heritage. It was part of the Hellenistic world and Roman Empire before succumbing to Russian rule and then, after a brief spell of independence, Soviet conquest.
Over the past dozen years of troubled independence, Georgia has been beset by civil war, political conflict, misery and corruption.
After last month's peaceful "Rose Revolution" forced out President Eduard Shevardnadze, Georgians this month enthusiastically elected a young, Western-educated lawyer as president.
Mikheil Saakashvili offers Georgia a new, possibly last, chance to bring his country back into the West. A lot is at stake. His people are counting on him to bring stability -- as is the United States, which cares about strategic energy routes that pass through Georgia.
Some people have compared Georgia's new young leaders to the "Pro Patria" government of 20- and 30-something reformers in Estonia in 1992, whose radical free-market program made the smallest of the Baltic countries one of the most successful transition stories in the former Soviet empire.
There are indeed similarities between Georgia now and Estonia then, beyond our size and recent historical experience.
In 1992, Estonia was economically ruined and the morale of our people sapped. Shops were empty, forcing people to line up for hours to buy rationed bread and milk.
The currency (the old Soviet ruble) was worthless. Industrial production declined more 30 percent in two years after independence in 1991. Inflation was above 1,000 percent a year, and unemployment 30 percent.
Estonia depended on Russia for energy and most of its trade. Russia was refusing to pull its troops out of the country. Armed extremist groups, on the left and right, as well as a separatist movement supported by Russia, posed a serious threat to democracy in Estonia.
The bad news is, this more or less describes Saakashvili's predicament today.
Back in 1992, many people were pessimistic about our chances too. But we survived. Through painful but decisive reforms, Estonia turned West.
Today, according to the Heritage Foundation/Wall Street Journal Index of Economic Freedom, Estonia is the sixth-most-free economy in the world, ahead of all but two of its future EU partners.
Of course, Estonia isn't Georgia. Georgia has a different history and cultural heritage and sits in another part of Europe. The policies implemented in one country can never be carbon copied onto another. Each country must find its own way. But there are lessons from other transition countries that are highly relevant for Georgia.
From our experience, lesson No. 1 is to build the political foundations first and only then proceed with economic reform. Don't underestimate the importance of a new modern constitution and democratic legislature elected in free and regular elections.
In some transition countries, the need for strong "rule of law" wasn't appreciated. That was a huge mistake. The best intentions can not match the importance of a sound and constantly improving legal environment.
There will be no market economy without laws, strong property rights and a working judicial system. And to fight corruption, as the new Georgian president vows to, you can't trust people from the past. Old dogs don't easily learn new tricks.
The second lesson is summed up by a well-known advertising slogan: "Just do it." In other words, be decisive about adopting reforms and stick with them despite the short-term pain they bring.
A radical reform program launched as quickly as possible has a much greater chance of being accepted than either a delayed radical program or a non-radical alternative that introduces difficult measures in a piecemeal fashion.
The third lesson is: Keep it simple. Most workable solutions are simple ones. Of course, achieving real change isn't easy.
The new Georgian government must stabilize the economy and regain the confidence of financial markets. To do this, Georgia must cut its budget deficit and start to collect taxes.
The simplest way is to introduce a low proportional income tax, which is easy to collect and hard to avoid. The economy must be liberalized and opened to competition.
As a weak state, Georgia can't collect custom duties anyhow; it's better to abolish them and turn Georgia to big free-trade area. State-owned companies must be privatized, but only after passing necessary laws and creating institutions. All this creates preconditions for foreign investment, which Georgia desperately needs.
By following this recipe, Georgia will have a chance to turn firmly toward the United States and Europe. Cooperation with the West, through NATO, is the only way to get the Russians to pull their troops out and restore the territorial integrity of this strategically placed country.
The best way to fight the separatism that threatens Georgia's future, in other words, is successful reform. While the United States gave material help to the people's revolution and supports Georgia's independence, Europe seems all too happy to dismiss Georgia as "a far-away country."
Now is the time to give real support. If done correctly, Georgia can become a model for the other troubled countries in the Caucasus and Central Asia.
But the best help Georgia can get today is clear encouragement to help itself. In the end, no one else can force reform on a country.
Georgia's leaders don't have much time. Hopes are riding high. The window of opportunity to take the extraordinary steps that I've described lasts only a few months, perhaps a year.
If Georgia doesn't take advantage of this momentum, it'll waste this chance. Then we'd all lose.
Maat Laar was prime minister of Estonia in 1992-94 and 1999-2002. This comment first appeared in the Jan. 20 edition of the Wall Street Journal.
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