Will the Real Yury Skokov Please Stand Up
Skokov, who holds an analogous position in the Security Council of the Russian Federation, rose to power through the defense industry. He was the director of the large defense plant Kvant when Yeltsin moved to Moscow from Sverdlovsk in 1986 to run the city. Yeltsin, according to informed sources, had intended at that time to make Skokov secretary of the Moscow Communist Party Committee.
Skokov again appeared on the political stage as a candidate for the Soviet legislature. But when Ivan Silayev asked him to be first deputy in his government, Skokov accepted the post and switched his politics to the Russian side.
An intelligent and energetic supporter of strong leadership and "the restoration of order", Skokov decided to get rid of his rivals in Yeltsin's circle with one stroke: He announced publicly that the president was surrounded by "the wrong people". This did not bring Skokov the desired result, but many began openly to fear him.
When last autumn Yeltsin was trying to decide who to put in charge of economics, he had-to choose between Skokov and Yegor Gaidar. Democratic Russia had quite a bit of influence on Yeltsin's decision, and all the leaders of this, movement came out unequivocally for Gaidar. The fact that it was Gennady Burbulis who was forming the government also played a role. As a "consolation prize" Skokov was promised the position of deputy prime minister for defense.
As Burbulis's influence grew Skokov faded into the background. But the promise was not forgotten, and in April Yeltsin appointed Skokov secretary of the Security Council.
Some think that Skokov, supporter of a hard line in economic and foreign policy, has become the main candidate for Gaidar's job. But there is reason to believe his chances have been exaggerated. He is so harsh that even those who have advanced his career have begun to fear him.
Moreover, there is to date no real sign that he has significant power and influence. Even the Security Council of which he is chief cannot be considered his instrument of influence, since it has neither powerful administrative machinery nor local structures. This is what gives an organization real power. Skokov's personal circle is also a mystery: No one knows who his associates are, and in official lists there is only one name, Vladimir Serebryakov, listed without a position. Whatever happens, most observers are inclined to think that Skokov will not emerge as a major figure. Others say: Wait and see.
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