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Recent political struggles in Eastern Europe remind me of the excellent novel by O. Henry "Cabbages and Kings." In this work, regimes change and governments are overthrown (or they desperately cling to authority). But in the end, absolutely nothing changes.
No matter who wins, life continues according to the same old rules -- government officials continue to steal, the business community cheats both workers, and the state and politicians lie. Now even those who respond to calls by the opposition to take to the streets know in their hearts that this is true. But their dislike of the corrupt officials in power outweighs their distrust of the demagogues among the opposition forces. And if new leaders eventually do come to power, the same scenario can be repeated by just changing the names and places of the characters.
The current crises in Moldova and Georgia mirror previous events in other countries. Storming parliament, smashing windows and destroying furniture has become a familiar scene played over and over again in the former Soviet republics. The difference between current events and those in South America in the late 19th century is that most of today's revolutions and uprisings are bloodless -- at least for now.
No matter who wins in Moldova and Georgia, there is no reason to expect any changes to their economic, political or social systems. Both the governments and the opposition parties advocate a market economy, and both lash out at anybody who expresses the slightest doubt as to the benefits of private business. Both sides are eager to establish closer ties with the West and NATO and to rewrite their laws according to European standards.
The fact that Moldova's ruling elite still refers to itself as the Communist Party adds some color to the crisis. This allows the political battle to be cast as a struggle between Communists and liberals, or between the right and the left. But this is bereft of any political meaning. The social policies of the "left-leaning" government in Chisinau and the "right-leaning" government in Tbilisi are identical. Privatization of state assets was conducted in Moldova with just as much zeal as it was in the other countries of the Eastern Bloc.
The mobs of protesters in Chisinau and Tbilisi are not demanding any radical changes to policies or the system as a whole. They are simply expressing frustration with the condition of their lives and society in general. But by failing to demand concrete solutions to those problems, they tacitly agree to endure them further.
There is less difference between the government and the opposition than between any two types of yogurt. At least when you buy yogurt, you can choose between different flavors. But in Moldova and Georgia, the only difference between those in power and those wanting power is the packaging. The reason is simple: Each political group has its own capitalists who, together with state officials, can milk the budget for funds, win profitable contracts from the authorities and use connections to defeat their competitors.
The economic crisis is hitting Eastern Europe harder than Western countries. Thousands of people who had been working abroad have lost those jobs and have returned home to find even greater difficulties. An entire generation of young Moldovans cannot find a place for themselves in their homeland or abroad. Moldova's social safety net has unraveled at the very moment that they needed it most. And neither the ruling authorities nor the opposition know how to overcome this crisis.
Boris Kagarlitsky is the director of the Institute of Globalization Studies.
