The results of Russia's participation in the political discussions at the G-7 meeting in Naples last weekend enabled President Boris Yeltsin to announce that Russia has, for all intents and purposes, entered the world community on an equal footing with the other countries of the world. Canadian Prime Minister Jean Cretiene bolstered Yeltsin's confidence by inviting him to the next G-7 summit in 1995 in Halifax, Canada. Yeltsin's participation in political discussions at future meetings will therefore be even more official.


Thus, after three invitations to G-7 summits -- Gorbachev to London in 1991, Yeltsin to Munich in 1992 and Tokyo in 1993 as guests only -- now, in Naples, the leader of the new Russia felt, for the first time, that he was a full member of this privileged club of world powers, exercising a real influence on the world's economy and policies. Moreover, this entry into the world's elite took place not from a position of military strength -- on the contrary, Russia is weaker than the former U.S.S.R. was -- but owing to internal democratic reforms.


There is every reason to suppose that the final transformation of the political "seven" into "eight" will take place next year in Halifax. The analogous change on the economic level, most likely, will not take place so quickly. Moscow, of course, does not intend to force the process. As Yeltsin stated, the Russian economy is not yet in line with Western economic parameters.


However, the continuing crisis in the Russian economy does not prevent Moscow from clearly formulating its approach to economic cooperation with the G-7. In Naples the Russians did not demand any new financial aid, although President Yeltsin did remind his partners that Russia has not yet received even half of the $43.4 billion promised a year ago in Tokyo, although Western estimates claim that over $30 billion dollars of the Tokyo packet have already been distributed.


Foreign aid to Russia's reforms has undoubtedly played a positive role. But today there is something even more important: guaranteeing Russia fair access to world markets and international financial resources, and the removal of discriminatory barriers.


"You must take all the necessary steps so that we can trade as equals in the world," Yeltsin told his western colleagues at a press conference in Naples, illustrating his statement with a colorful metaphor about the "red jacket" which the West still sees him in, though he "hasn't worn it for three years now."


Yeltsin's emotional appeal was addressed primarily to his American colleague. This was because, at least until recently, American legislation had about 250 active discriminatory statutes related to Russian exports. These articles were the products of Cold War ideological disputes. Bill Clinton, during last year's summit in Vancouver, promised Boris Yeltsin to repeal these restrictions. As Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin's recent visit to the United States showed, American popular opinion and Congress no longer support discriminatory trade measures against Russia. However, things are not moving as quickly as might be desired -- only about a hundred of these legislative acts are in the process of being repealed.


On the other hand, the situation in Russia changes quickly. As a result of the recent signing of a partnership agreement on Corfu, the real possibility for liberalized trade between the Russian Federation and the European Union has now appeared. Perhaps now Washington will find the necessary stimulus for a similar economic rapprochement with Moscow. Further delays in the removal of trade barriers may lead to undesirable results for the United States itself. Apparently recalling this, Clinton assured Yeltsin that, during the Russian president's upcoming visit to the United States in September, he would announce the removal of restrictions on the export of a number of Russian goods.


Russia's reforms will most likely get needed support from a decision made in Naples regarding Special Drawing Rights, or SDR, for new members of the International Monetary Fund, or IMF. The granting of SDR, still called "artificial money" by the IMF, carries no conditions or interest payments, but rather serves for settling balances of payments and replenishing the official reserves of a given country.


Although not yet a member of the economic "seven," Russia played an invisible role in the economic discussions in Naples. In decisions regarding such pointed problems as international crime, money laundering, world trade and nuclear reactor safety, Moscow's presence was felt.


Russia's indebtedness to Western creditors is one of the most acute problems facing the current reforms. However, Russia is not only a debtor, but also one of the world's largest creditors. Third world debts to Moscow total $150 billion, almost twice what Russia owes to the West. To this we must add that, since the republics of the CIS gained their independence, Russia has -- in the form of various subsidies and preferences -- granted them somewhere in the neighborhood of $6 billion.


That is why in Naples Moscow brought up the question of Russia's membership in the Paris club as a creditor, even if only with observer's status. Moscow's interest in participating in discussions of Third World debt restructuring is entirely natural.


It is also in Russia's interests to resolve problems facing the other governments of the CIS with the assistance of the world community. That is why Yeltsin spoke with his G-7 partners about the importance of aid to help Ukraine for deal with the aftermath of the Chernobyl catastrophe, about the expediency of recognizing Belarus as a country with a transitional economy, about granting Armenia IMF stand-by credit, and about international participation in reviving Georgia's economy.





Alexei Portansky is a reporter for Izvestia. He contributed this comment to The Moscow Times.