Last month, Akhmadjon Saidov was arrested during a passport inspection in Moscow. Nothing about the case is out of the ordinary for the Russian capital, in which there is an order from Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov that directly contradicts the article in the constitution of the Russian Federation that protects citizens' right to freedom of movement, including that of foreigners. The incident with Saidov, however, has criminal overtones. At least, this is the way the Tajik authorities, who had been searching for Saidov, treated the affair when data on him popped up on the Russian Interior Ministry's computer network.
Normally, people are retained in Moscow in the following way: The police, as a rule, stop people of non-Slavic origins to check whether they are registered in the Russian capital. (It should be recalled that this is unconstitutional.) They make inquiries with the Interior Ministry's main information center, and if they find that any one of the countries from the Commonwealth of Independent States has put out an arrest warrant for the person, he is held until the reasons for the warrant are explained.
According to a 1993 decree by President Boris Yeltsin on the fight against organized crime, a person can be detained for up to 30 days. People who are accused of crimes in CIS countries are quite often held in this way. This does not at all mean, however, that the person who is being hunted is in fact a criminal. Quite often, such people are being pursued in their own countries for political reasons.
Last year, for example, the well-known filmmaker, former deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union and Tajik presidential candidate, Davlat Khudonazarov, was detained for what were clearly political motives. Before that, several Tajik journalists who were accused by the Tajik government of making "appeals to overthrow the authorities" had also been arrested in Moscow. Turkmen, Uzbeks and Azeris have also been handled in this fashion. Last month, the Uzbek human rights defender and journalist, Albert Musin, who has contributed to this page, was arrested on similar charges.
Getting back to Saidov, his case is particularly remarkable in that he held a high office in Tajikistan until 1993. He was not only a deputy of the republic's parliament but also the deputy chairman of the Supreme Soviet. Saidov, a regular officer and lieutenant, is still in Russia's armed forces reserve. Saidov's close ties to former prime minister Abdumalik Abdullodjanov were what led to his persecution. After Abdullodjanov was dismissed in 1993, Saidov fell out with the ruling Kulyabis clan in Tajikistan. He had been trying to stop the theft of humanitarian aid and fuel that was being diverted to the Tajik Defense Ministry, and in response, when he was on an official visit to Uzbekistan, Tajik Interior Ministry workers illegally detained his daughters and tried to obtain evidence from them against their father. The persecution lasted until 1994, when Saidov was forced to leave the republic.
After Saidov was arrested in Moscow on Feb. 21 by the Moscow police, the organization Human Rights Watch sent a letter to Russia's General Prosecutor, Yury Skuratov, expressing its concern over the persecution of the man. The letter also mentions that because Saidov served in the Soviet army, he has the right to be defended as a Russian citizen, since he did not officially refuse citizenship of the Russian Federation.
Practically all the cases of arrest of Tajik citizens that arise from checking the Russian Interior Ministry's computer information network end in release. This is not only because Tajikistan fails to come up with any evidence proving the guilt of the accused, but also because the political motivation behind their incarcerations is so obvious, human rights organizations have raised scandals over them.
The danger to many CIS citizens in Moscow who are being pursued for political reasons nevertheless remains. The situation looks even more absurd in light of the Minsk convention on the rights of citizens in civil, family and criminal matters that was signed in January 1993 by the heads of the CIS countries. Naturally, there isn't a single word in the convention on political persecution, since all the CIS countries have accepted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In reality, however, in many CIS countries with authoritarian regimes, the distinction between "criminal" and "political" is vague, given that the only way of fighting against heterodoxy entails making accusations of criminal offenses.
The difference in political regimes in the CIS has created a precedent that should become the subject of a separate discussion in the intergovernmental CIS bodies, but the desire of Russia to keep the territory of the former Soviet Union as a sphere of influence will make it very difficult to improve the situation that has arisen. For Russia, it is more important to preserve its friends in Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan or Tajikistan than to accuse the authorities in these countries of carrying out political repression. Unfortunately, neither the United Nations nor the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe are capable of changing the situation either.
At the same time, these international organizations should periodically draw attention to the fact that CIS citizens who are forced to take refuge in Moscow or other Russian cities have been persecuted, even if it is unlikely to produce results.
Judging from the accounts I got from the police, Saidov's fate will depend almost entirely on the Russian authorities. The Tajik Interior Ministry has already presented documents that show his "participation in crimes," which means that the former Soviet army lieutenant will most likely be deported to Dushanbe. As for the political cause of Saidov's arrest, the Moscow police don't know anything.
Oleg Panfilov is deputy editor of the journal "Tsentralnaya Aziya," which is published in Sweden. He contributed this comment to The Moscow Times.
Normally, people are retained in Moscow in the following way: The police, as a rule, stop people of non-Slavic origins to check whether they are registered in the Russian capital. (It should be recalled that this is unconstitutional.) They make inquiries with the Interior Ministry's main information center, and if they find that any one of the countries from the Commonwealth of Independent States has put out an arrest warrant for the person, he is held until the reasons for the warrant are explained.
According to a 1993 decree by President Boris Yeltsin on the fight against organized crime, a person can be detained for up to 30 days. People who are accused of crimes in CIS countries are quite often held in this way. This does not at all mean, however, that the person who is being hunted is in fact a criminal. Quite often, such people are being pursued in their own countries for political reasons.
Last year, for example, the well-known filmmaker, former deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union and Tajik presidential candidate, Davlat Khudonazarov, was detained for what were clearly political motives. Before that, several Tajik journalists who were accused by the Tajik government of making "appeals to overthrow the authorities" had also been arrested in Moscow. Turkmen, Uzbeks and Azeris have also been handled in this fashion. Last month, the Uzbek human rights defender and journalist, Albert Musin, who has contributed to this page, was arrested on similar charges.
Getting back to Saidov, his case is particularly remarkable in that he held a high office in Tajikistan until 1993. He was not only a deputy of the republic's parliament but also the deputy chairman of the Supreme Soviet. Saidov, a regular officer and lieutenant, is still in Russia's armed forces reserve. Saidov's close ties to former prime minister Abdumalik Abdullodjanov were what led to his persecution. After Abdullodjanov was dismissed in 1993, Saidov fell out with the ruling Kulyabis clan in Tajikistan. He had been trying to stop the theft of humanitarian aid and fuel that was being diverted to the Tajik Defense Ministry, and in response, when he was on an official visit to Uzbekistan, Tajik Interior Ministry workers illegally detained his daughters and tried to obtain evidence from them against their father. The persecution lasted until 1994, when Saidov was forced to leave the republic.
After Saidov was arrested in Moscow on Feb. 21 by the Moscow police, the organization Human Rights Watch sent a letter to Russia's General Prosecutor, Yury Skuratov, expressing its concern over the persecution of the man. The letter also mentions that because Saidov served in the Soviet army, he has the right to be defended as a Russian citizen, since he did not officially refuse citizenship of the Russian Federation.
Practically all the cases of arrest of Tajik citizens that arise from checking the Russian Interior Ministry's computer information network end in release. This is not only because Tajikistan fails to come up with any evidence proving the guilt of the accused, but also because the political motivation behind their incarcerations is so obvious, human rights organizations have raised scandals over them.
The danger to many CIS citizens in Moscow who are being pursued for political reasons nevertheless remains. The situation looks even more absurd in light of the Minsk convention on the rights of citizens in civil, family and criminal matters that was signed in January 1993 by the heads of the CIS countries. Naturally, there isn't a single word in the convention on political persecution, since all the CIS countries have accepted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In reality, however, in many CIS countries with authoritarian regimes, the distinction between "criminal" and "political" is vague, given that the only way of fighting against heterodoxy entails making accusations of criminal offenses.
The difference in political regimes in the CIS has created a precedent that should become the subject of a separate discussion in the intergovernmental CIS bodies, but the desire of Russia to keep the territory of the former Soviet Union as a sphere of influence will make it very difficult to improve the situation that has arisen. For Russia, it is more important to preserve its friends in Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan or Tajikistan than to accuse the authorities in these countries of carrying out political repression. Unfortunately, neither the United Nations nor the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe are capable of changing the situation either.
At the same time, these international organizations should periodically draw attention to the fact that CIS citizens who are forced to take refuge in Moscow or other Russian cities have been persecuted, even if it is unlikely to produce results.
Judging from the accounts I got from the police, Saidov's fate will depend almost entirely on the Russian authorities. The Tajik Interior Ministry has already presented documents that show his "participation in crimes," which means that the former Soviet army lieutenant will most likely be deported to Dushanbe. As for the political cause of Saidov's arrest, the Moscow police don't know anything.
Oleg Panfilov is deputy editor of the journal "Tsentralnaya Aziya," which is published in Sweden. He contributed this comment to The Moscow Times.