In spite of the halt of NATO's operation against Yugoslavia and the generally successful visit to Moscow by NATO Secretary-General Lord Robertson in February, Russia-NATO relations are still in the doldrums. Today's Russia-NATO dialogue is restricted to essentially two key directions: issues of international peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and Kosovo, and some aspects of arms control.
There are still deep divisions between the two sides. Russia has not yet fully overcome an anti-NATO syndrome regarding NATO's use of military might in the Balkans and its not allocating funds for restoring the economy of Yugoslavia. NATO shows a clear concern on the operations by federal forces in Chechnya, accentuates the issue of human rights, and insists on a political solution to the situation.
Both the Kremlin and NATO headquarters experience hostile feelings toward each other on plans for NATO enlargement. And both sides are at loggerheads over recent doctrinal statements toward each other. NATO has criticized the Russian concept of national security and the new military doctrine. Moscow has serious questions about the new strategic conception of NATO adopted at its summit in April 1999. Moscow objects to the possibility of NATO's use of force beyond its "zones of responsibility" without the approval of the UN Security Council. The Kremlin is concerned by NATO's not wanting to fulfill the spirit and the law of the NATO Founding Act, including the point on devising joint solutions to security issues.
In short, Russian-NATO relations are at a low point. Does this benefit anyone? No. Russia and NATO - and the many nations in the alliance, including those with nuclear weapons and great military potential - are too significant on the world stage to allow a permanent state of mutual confrontation or even suspicion or mistrust.
Both sides should undertake energetic, purposeful steps to ensure that the relationship moves forward. They should weigh the actions they take beyond their national borders, understanding their responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, and not permitting interference in the internal affairs of nations. Predictability, consistency, pragmatism, openness - these are key words that should define the sides' operations in international affairs. Moscow is ready to sign on to this. So how can we ensure this goal?
We must ensure the effective working of mechanisms already in place for working on security issues, something that is not happening now. This should be done not only within the framework of the Joint Permanent Council of Russia, NATO and the nations that signed on to the Partnership for Peace. We also need regular Russia-NATO summits, particularly when crises arise, with the goal of resolving them peacefully. In between high-level visits, meetings should be conducted between the foreign and defense ministers of Russia and NATO; at such meetings, concrete proposals should be adopted on bilateral, regional and global problems.
To solve major issues that arise in world politics and bilateral Russian-NATO relations, we should establish a direct, continuously functioning line of communication between the Kremlin and NATO headquarters, like the hot-line that has long existed between the official residences of heads of states.
The perspectives for a deepening of the dialogue and cooperation between Russia and NATO do exist; we did develop some experience before the Balkan crisis. The key to a full thaw in Russian-NATO cooperation could be NATO's objective perception of the Russian government and its policies, as well as a change in the bloc's general direction, which raises serious concerns here.
At the start of the 21st century, Russia and NATO should be constructively engaged so as not to allow a worsening of regional or international problems. They should base this relationship on a fundamentally different foundation. Otherwise, both sides will find themselves in confrontation or in a state of permanent hostility toward each other.
Vladimir Kozin is the deputy head of staff of the foreign affairs committee of the State Duma. He contributed this comment - in which he presents his own views - to The Moscow Times.
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