The name has changed, the logo is new, and the advertisements are gone. But programming on Public Russian Television looks a lot like that of its predecessor, Ostankino.
"The new schedule differs little from the old one," confirmed Andrei Razbash, deputy director of Ostankino Television, which has relinquished its monopoly of the airwaves and been bumped down to the status of a production company.
"And," he added, "it is likely to stay that way."
Public Russian Television, or ORT, is a semi-privatized joint stock company that officially began its existence April 1. The timing may have been appropriate: The April Fools' atmosphere has carried over into many aspects of the company's first few days.
"I do not know where to find anyone," said a harried secretary in the director's office. "No one has an office, or a phone. They run in and out all the time. Call back in a few days."
The same air of unreality seemed to surround a "general agreement" between ORT and Ostankino that was drafted last week and which, according to Razbash, is due to be signed in the next few days.
Razbash said that the agreement gives priority to Ostankino in providing programming for the new company, meaning that many of Ostankino's old shows will continue to run on ORT. This will ease the transition for many Ostankino employees who feared that they would be out of a job April 1.
It all sounds reasonable, until one takes a look at the players in the negotiations. The new head of Ostankino, Grigory Shevelyov, is also the first deputy of Sergei Blagovolin, the recently appointed director of ORT.
"The agreement makes absolutely no sense when one of the signatories is the deputy of the other," fumed Igor Yakovenko, head of the State Duma subcommittee on the media.
Yakovenko has opposed the creation of ORT, which, in his estimation, has surrendered control of the largest and most powerful public opinion tool in the country to a small group of politicians.
"Channel One has been put into the hands of a political organization," he said at a recent press conference.
The question of ORT's political affiliation is particularly delicate in the run-up to the parliamentary elections in December, and the presidential ballot in June 1996. Channel One is the only television company that can reach all of Russia, and, in the opinion of many analysts, its coverage will strongly influence the outcome of the elections.
ORT seems to be dominated by those on the liberal side of the political spectrum. Blagovolin, the new director, is an ex-member of Russia's Choice, and his deputy Kirill Ignatyev remains in the faction. Ignatyev is also, curiously enough, the head of the parliamentary subcommittee that deals with television, a state of affairs that Yakovenko claims is illegal under Russian law.
And many of ORT's financial backers are the same as those who set up the Stability faction of the Duma last month.
ORT was brought into existence by presidential decree on Nov. 29, 1994.
The decree attracted little attention until the murder of popular television journalist Vladislav Listyev on March 1. Listyev had been appointed general director of ORT, and had already drawn up a programming schedule that left many of Ostankino's offerings out in the cold.
Listyev had also imposed a temporary ban on advertising for the new company. According to colleagues, he had hoped to break the chain of corruption at Ostankino by creating a new commercial structure to handle advertising.
Since last July, commercial advertising at Ostankino has been handled by "Reklama Holding," a collection of advertising agencies who bought air time, then resold it to individual advertisers.
The losses incurred by these advertising agencies could run as high as $30 million to $40 million per month, according to public relations expert Andrei Fedotov.
Although contracts with the advertising agencies expired March 31, many agencies had long-term contracts with advertisers, and may be in the position of returning money that was paid in advance for air time.
"The new schedule differs little from the old one," confirmed Andrei Razbash, deputy director of Ostankino Television, which has relinquished its monopoly of the airwaves and been bumped down to the status of a production company.
"And," he added, "it is likely to stay that way."
Public Russian Television, or ORT, is a semi-privatized joint stock company that officially began its existence April 1. The timing may have been appropriate: The April Fools' atmosphere has carried over into many aspects of the company's first few days.
"I do not know where to find anyone," said a harried secretary in the director's office. "No one has an office, or a phone. They run in and out all the time. Call back in a few days."
The same air of unreality seemed to surround a "general agreement" between ORT and Ostankino that was drafted last week and which, according to Razbash, is due to be signed in the next few days.
Razbash said that the agreement gives priority to Ostankino in providing programming for the new company, meaning that many of Ostankino's old shows will continue to run on ORT. This will ease the transition for many Ostankino employees who feared that they would be out of a job April 1.
It all sounds reasonable, until one takes a look at the players in the negotiations. The new head of Ostankino, Grigory Shevelyov, is also the first deputy of Sergei Blagovolin, the recently appointed director of ORT.
"The agreement makes absolutely no sense when one of the signatories is the deputy of the other," fumed Igor Yakovenko, head of the State Duma subcommittee on the media.
Yakovenko has opposed the creation of ORT, which, in his estimation, has surrendered control of the largest and most powerful public opinion tool in the country to a small group of politicians.
"Channel One has been put into the hands of a political organization," he said at a recent press conference.
The question of ORT's political affiliation is particularly delicate in the run-up to the parliamentary elections in December, and the presidential ballot in June 1996. Channel One is the only television company that can reach all of Russia, and, in the opinion of many analysts, its coverage will strongly influence the outcome of the elections.
ORT seems to be dominated by those on the liberal side of the political spectrum. Blagovolin, the new director, is an ex-member of Russia's Choice, and his deputy Kirill Ignatyev remains in the faction. Ignatyev is also, curiously enough, the head of the parliamentary subcommittee that deals with television, a state of affairs that Yakovenko claims is illegal under Russian law.
And many of ORT's financial backers are the same as those who set up the Stability faction of the Duma last month.
ORT was brought into existence by presidential decree on Nov. 29, 1994.
The decree attracted little attention until the murder of popular television journalist Vladislav Listyev on March 1. Listyev had been appointed general director of ORT, and had already drawn up a programming schedule that left many of Ostankino's offerings out in the cold.
Listyev had also imposed a temporary ban on advertising for the new company. According to colleagues, he had hoped to break the chain of corruption at Ostankino by creating a new commercial structure to handle advertising.
Since last July, commercial advertising at Ostankino has been handled by "Reklama Holding," a collection of advertising agencies who bought air time, then resold it to individual advertisers.
The losses incurred by these advertising agencies could run as high as $30 million to $40 million per month, according to public relations expert Andrei Fedotov.
Although contracts with the advertising agencies expired March 31, many agencies had long-term contracts with advertisers, and may be in the position of returning money that was paid in advance for air time.
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