In Search of a 5-Fingered Fist

Three-time Olympic wrestling champion Alexander Karelin, 32, has gone undefeated on the mat since the age of 18. Next year, he could have gone on to compete for a fourth Olympic gold medal, but the nine-time world champion, one of the top three candidates from the Kremlin-backed Unity movement sometimes referred to as Medved, or Bear, has elected to pursue political victory instead. Vedomosti correspondent Alexander Bekker probes to discover why.


Q:


You've been dragged from the wrestling mat to the political arena. Do you get the feeling that someone is just using you?


A:


A motionless body or a piece of furniture can be dragged. I do everything consciously. Never in my life have I let anyone use me. I'd received tempting offers unrelated to sports before this as well, and each time I refused. [The offer] I was unable to refuse ? [came from] Sergei Shoigu and General [Alexander] Gurov, whose personal dignity I do not question. Furthermore, I firmly believe that there is a great need right now for a Duma faction that would become a stay of the government.


Q:


Your movement has no economic program, no concept for a national policy. ? The name itself suggests that you're betting on strength f the strength of popularity.


A:


Do you think that parliament should be full of faceless and unrecognizable people? That today's politicians f bombastic but empty inside f are better than a well-known athlete? There is a stereotype that all athletes are dumb. When I speak publicly, people even pass me notes with questions and three or four possible answers f to make it easier for me. But it's no secret that [our movement] has come together recently and that it's difficult to put together a program in such a short time. ? The most important thing for us today is to create a Duma faction that will represent the interests of the regions.


Q:


So why doesn't Fatherland-All Russia's position suit you? It also seems to reflect the economic program and interests of the regions.


A:


Sure, their name is better than "Bear." What could be more exalted than serving your Fatherland? ? But some of the regions from this bloc have more tax breaks and political privileges than other Russian territories. They have separate agreements with the federal center; their constitutions and laws sometimes contradict the Constitution and laws of the Russian Federation. To me, this seems like a show of separatism.


Q:


What role do you assign to the future Duma? Should the parliament be a strictly legislative body or a powerful check of the executive branch?


A:


We have enough checks as it is. We lack over 1,000 laws needed to create a market economy and ensure that it functions normally. And [they] should not only be developed in a centralized way, but should systematically take into account the interest of the territories. The state's priorities are unshakable: mining, forest and agricultural land. Energy resources, as well. ? Currently, the state gets left with cash-poor enterprises, and everything else goes into private hands. That's not right, wouldn't you agree?


Q:


Would it be more beneficial for Russia to become a parliamentary republic? Should the president's powers be limited during the transition period?


A:


A lot has changed since we all rushed to fight against communism. As long as the president was the main "check" [ensuring against] the restoration of the [Communist Party], his extraordinary powers were justified. Today, part of them must be delegated to the Federation Council. ? And as far as the transition period, I'm tired of hearing about it. Enough sniveling and pretending to be holy fools! This is no transition period; it's our day-to-day life, history taking place before our eyes. I'm often asked why I give priority to the governors. It's because they're better than anyone at representing the interests of the regions. In order to have a quality parliamentary republic, we need a civilized parliament as well. And every deputy in it must have equal rights. ? The parliament of a civilized country cannot so blatantly demonstrate its weakness, displayed so clearly by the debates. That's why we support canceling nationwide TV broadcasts of the debates.


Q:


You support limiting the president's powers. But international experience shows that a country's most difficult reforms can only be implemented with an iron hand, with monarch-like authority.


A:


As I've said, the most acute phase of rejecting a totalitarian society and a command economy is behind us. Now, a return to the iron hand would not be understood by the international community. ? The president has concentrated so many powers [in his own hands] that he cannot realistically or, most importantly, effectively manage them. The problem is that we customize powers to suit a particular person, when we should be measuring out authority in accordance with a statesman's status. If we're talking about a strong hand, eight fingers instead of five don't make a fist harder.


Q:


The country has 89 formally equal constituent territories, but some of these, which have agreements with the federal center, clearly have financial and political opportunities that are qualitatively different from the others'. ? If the center is executing agreements with the regions, that's not the Russian Federation, it's a Swiss confederation f a completely different form of statehood.


A:


I think agreements aren't the issue. This is a manifestation of the central authorities' weakness, of the disintegration of Russia as a unified state. ? On the other hand, the center should give the regions more economic rights. There are proposals, which have been up in the air a long time, stating that taxes should be levied and used in the place where a company engages in its production activities and not at the address of its propiska [residency permit], which is often in the capital. We have to understand what it is we want from Russia asa federative state.


Q:


When Primakov was prime minister, he proposed canceling the election of governors and appointing them from the federal center.


A:


The elemental force of democracy has reached a point of absurdity. On a municipal level, elections may be acceptable. But I consider the appointment of governors an ingenious idea.


Q:


Who gave you the idea of proposing to split the Moscow mayor's status in two? That's clearly directed against [Moscow Mayor Yury] Luzhkov.


A:


The Federation Council is full of discord and diarchy. Some regional leaders have united forces with [speaker of the upper house Yegor] Stroyev, while others have rallied around Luzhkov. How do you get rid of separatism in such a situation? We sat down with Gurov to look for a solution. ? After that, I put forward the idea of combining the positions of Federation Council speaker and head of the capital's administration. No attempts to snare anyone, just to put an end to discord and separatism.


Q:


Do you think [Prime Minister Vladimir] Putin's rating has been "pumped up" by the TV channels or has he really "hit the target" in terms of the public's expectations?


A:


I don't think anyone's "pumped up" his rating. I live in Novosibirsk; we have a serious city with the same concerns as all across Russia. I can see perfectly well how [different] people regard Putin f blue-collar workers, my colleagues and others. Some people were shocked by his words about bandits in the toilet. But it turned out that was just what the majority expected. What many people didn't expect were the actions following the words. It's Putin's consistency that has evoked genuine respect for him. Consistency, not bare militarism.