The Kremlin often implements policies that it never makes public, and this is the reason many of its actions seem pointless or absurd.

On Saturday, we saw a new wave of protest rallies. Tens of thousands of people took to the streets despite the bitter cold.

The Kremlin is trying to present President Dmitry Medvedev's new bill as a way of bringing back direct gubernatorial elections, but it is more of a Trojan Horse than a political reform.

If anyone in the Kremlin is hoping that the protesters would disband and give up the struggle after the long New Year's holiday, they will probably be disappointed. The protesters' fighting spirit not only remains strong, but appears to be gaining speed, as attested by the hot level of discussion on the Internet.

Prime Minister Vladimir Putin held his annual televised call-in show 1 1/2 weeks after the State Duma elections and just five days after the nationwide wave of protests contesting them.

he State Duma elections were unusually interesting, despite a campaign lacking in vigor and internal intrigues that went practically unnoticed by the public. Interest in the elections began rising sharply by the end of the campaign after the Kremlin, which had initially appeared indifferent, suddenly became visibly nervous.

It would be wrong to conclude that President Dmitry Medvedev can expect to have the prime minister spot simply handed to him on a silver platter as payment for past services and loyalty.

President Dmitry Medvedev was very active last week. But he was not very convincing in his new role as the outgoing president and the top gun on United Russia's party list.

Russian politics have become even more primitive of late, and politicians' strident speeches sound like a continuation of the jingoistic, saccharine speeches at the United Russia convention on Sept. 24.

We now know that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev will switch places in March. But the idea that it makes no difference who sits in which seat is mistaken.

In a normal democracy, a reshuffling of personnel occurs only after a new administration is voted into office. But in Russia's "managed democracy," elections serve more as the final chord in the highly orchestrated show rather than the prelude.

The political logic behind the decision to replace St. Petersburg Governor Valentina Matviyenko with Georgy Poltavchenko is not clear. If United Russia were suffering from low ratings in St. Petersburg and the unpopular Matviyenko was dragging the party even further down, why replace her with a gray, low-profile presidential envoy who has about as much charisma as State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov?

The United Russia primaries held across the country for the last few weeks have almost ended, but, despite what skeptics say, the primaries are not a pro forma procedure or a superficial public relations campaign by the ruling party. They have become a serious and more public element of Russian politics.

Although we are only at the early stages of December's State Duma elections, there are already three signals that give us a clear idea of how the vote will turn out.

Russia's primaries in the regions will start this week, with Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's All-Russia People's Front dominating the political landscape. The ruling party's list of candidates for State Duma elections in December will be based on the results of this initial stage of voting.

In the run-up to the elections, we are seeing the beginning of a shakeup in top political positions. The Kremlin started with Valentina Matviyenko. She will be moved out of St. Petersburg, where she is governor, and sent to Moscow, where she will serve as speaker of the Federation Council.

Some commentators were quick to claim that President Dmitry Medvedev's speech Friday at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum was his most important since he was elected president in 2008.

The All-Russia People's Front, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's political brainchild that he unveiled a month ago in Volgograd, is now taking its first decisive steps. The regions are pushing the program full speed ahead, with Putin's chief of staff Vyacheslav Volodin running the show.

Instead of campaigning, President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin have stepped up their political maneuvering in the run-up to State Duma and presidential elections, releasing major statements within two weeks of each other.

During his address to the State Duma last week, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin drew a rosy picture of the future that he imagines the people want to see, but he didn't outline how he intends to achieve his ambitious goals of making the country one of the world's five largest economies.

President Dmitry Medvedev effectively kicked off his re-election campaign by deepening a rift within the ruling tandem. In a single stroke, he not only tossed out a bone to his potential electorate but deprived Putin of the opportunity to campaign as a modernizer in deeds, not only in words.

The flood of projections and plans for Russia through 2020 and beyond indicates that the country is entering a new political era. Of the five scenarios in recent studies, there are two main ones: immediate and real democratization and gradual democratization.

Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who is also the head of United Russia, took a more active role in Sunday's elections than he's played in any since his own presidential election of 2000.

Recent headlines have been filled with disturbing news from the North Caucasus: the killing of tourists and a series of terrorist attacks in Kabardino-Balkaria, a meeting in Vladikavkaz of the National Anti-Terrorism Committee, the appointment of Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov to a new term in office, and the early dismissal of Karachayevo-Cherkessia Governor Boris Ebzeyev. These events underscore how much the Kremlin's North Caucasus policy has failed.

President Dmitry Medvedev's recent whirlwind of activity illustrates how in Russia, what should be a super-powerful or at least a powerful state has been replaced by powerful corporations.

Last week’s horrifying terrorist attack at Domodedovo Airport that killed 35 people should serve as a wake-up call to the public. The suicide bombing reveals the unpreparedness of government officials at all levels to deal with attacks and their inability to mount an appropriate response.

According to a recent Levada Center survey, 45 percent of voters continue to support United Russia. But the current poll does not account for two serious factors that could significantly influence the results of the Duma elections in December. The first is the “Putin factor” — that is, the increase in support United Russia can expect if Prime Minister Vladimir Putin heads the party’s list.

When President Dmitry Medvedev called for a reduction in the number of time zones in Russia during his state-of-the-nation address a year ago, I took it as a resounding bit of nonsense — as a clumsy attempt by his administration to offer at least some noticeable reform.

President Dmitry Medvedev’s recent state-of-the-nation address could be held up as an exceptional illustration of his recent musings on how Russia’s leadership runs the risk of “becoming bronzed” like a statue.

President Dmitry Medvedev gave a video address last week and, according to tradition, sounded a liberal note in advance of his annual state-of-the-nation address.