MT news
First Video Added to Moscow Times Web Site
The video, a 3 1/2-minute interview with Rose Gottemoeller, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, examines the informal summit between Presidents Vladimir Putin and George W. Bush in Sochi on April 6. The video can be found on The Moscow Times' homepage, www.themoscowtimes.com.
Testimonials
"The International Herald Tribune has long valued The Moscow Times as an excellent source of news about Russia. Since February 2006, this mutual respect – and shared news values – have led the two papers to form a valuable partnership that has made the IHT the only English-language international daily available in Moscow's morning, on the day it is printed there. Since it started out 15 years ago (edited by Meg Bortin, now a senior editor at the IHT), The Moscow Times has shown that it is possible to maintain high journalistic standards and to use those best practices to shed valuable light on events in Russia, which are often hard for foreigners to understand. Its reporters and editors are professional; the quality of their work is evident in the large number of ex-Moscow Times journalists who now work at other media, from The Wall Street Journal to Bloomberg News. The MT is a rightly esteemed and treasured part of the Moscow landscape, and the IHT can only wish the newspaper – and its sister publication in St. Petersburg – continued success in the future."
-Alison Smale, Managing Editor
International Herald Tribune
International Herald Tribune
Market Matters : Oil Tax Pledge Buoys Markets
Markets surged after the swearing-in of Dmitry Medvedev as president in a pomp-filled ceremony Wednesday and a tax-cutting speech by Vladimir Putin the day after, when he was approved as prime minister.
Russia Investment Roadshow : Scenes From Last Year's Forum
 | |
 | |
| Thursday, May 15, 2008
Updated at 15 May 2008 0:17 Moscow Time | |
| The Moscow Times » Issue 3898 » Opinion |
|
The Day of the Bear08 May 2008By Yevgeny Kiselyov
In contrast, however, the other medved -- our new president -- is still weak, and it is not clear when, if ever, he will possess real presidential authority. The reasons for this are clear. First, Medvedev suffers from a critical lack of legitimacy. Everyone understands that Vladimir Putin effectively appointed him, that he came to office through unfair elections devoid of any real competition, and that his victory was ensured from the outset with the help of the mass media parroting the Kremlin line. Since the elections were a sham, Medvedev cannot be viewed or accepted as the genuine tsar. Second, Medvedev's legitimacy will be undermined even more when Putin, who remains more popular, takes over as prime minister. Nobody knows or understands how the new two-headed authority structure will work. There are two opposing, radical points of view on this issue. On one hand, liberal opponents of the administration cast Medvedev as a puppet, completely dependent on Putin. Medvedev lacks his own base of support, and he was placed temporarily on the presidential throne on the condition that he vacate it the moment Putin demands -- perhaps before his term is finished. On the other hand, Kremlin liberals devoutly preach that Putin is sincerely proud of his chosen successor and believes that the country will have a young, progressive and educated leader. According to this theory, Putin is so eager to help Medvedev that he would not mind playing second fiddle to ensure Medvedev's success. The truth most likely lies somewhere in the middle. Both Putin and Medvedev have repeatedly declared that they have no plans to redistribute authority between the president and the prime minister, especially at the expense of presidential authority. But it is probably not wise to put too much faith in these statements. After all, Putin has made many promises that he later broke. For example, he once spoke out publicly against bankrupting Yukos, eliminating elections for governors and joining United Russia. Most interesting of all, he also flatly denied any plans to become prime minister. One element of Putin's trademark style is to put off making major decisions until the last minute. When he does decide something, it is usually done impulsively and then he often changes his mind. For example, it seems that Putin named Viktor Zubkov as prime minister as part of a plan that he later scrapped. Putin probably did not want to become prime minister under a Medvedev presidency and planned to delegate this role to the tried and true Zubkov. But at the last minute, Putin gazed into the future and, dismayed by the thought of being out of power for the next four years, picked the option of becoming prime minister. On one hand, there is no basis for doubting that Putin and Medvedev really have a close, trusting relationship. They might actually be able to work out all of the most delicate questions, such as how to avoid conflict in the decision-making process, whom to name to various posts, who should be fired, how to provide guarantees of legal impunity and personal security, and so on. On the other hand, it is not clear how the two centers of power will be able to avoid heated competition and potential conflict when one side attempts to outsmart the other and gain the upper hand. Any parent knows this well. For example, when you are unaware that your wife has already forbidden your son to go to the movies and he comes to you asking for permission. If a minister, governor or CEO cannot get the necessary green light from Putin on one of their key projects, they will inevitably run to Medvedev in hopes of getting approval. Nonetheless, a law will probably be passed freeing Putin from having to deal with routine tasks as prime minister, but did anybody seriously believe that Putin would be handling dull issues like improving roads or the rotting plumbing system in the country's dilapidated apartment buildings? It seems that all of the speculation about Putin's White House becoming more powerful than Medvedev's Kremlin is nothing more than the wishful thinking of the ruling elite who have a vested interest in maintaining Putin's hold on power. Many of Putin's supporters and beneficiaries hoped that he would send a strong signal during his speech at Wednesday's inauguration that the real power would remain with him, even as Medvedev was about to take the oath of office. But, in reality, Putin appeared subdued -- perhaps even dismayed -- during the ceremony. This leads me to believe that Putin has accepted, albeit grudgingly, the transfer of power to Medvedev. The basic distribution of power between the president and the prime minister will remain unchanged. The president is still the commander in chief, and he still appoints the defense, interior and foreign ministers. He also appoints top leaders of the Federal Security Service and, last but not least, he can fire the prime minister. Moreover, the president determines Russia's foreign policy. When the West recognizes Medvedev as Russia's top leader in July at the Group of Eight summit in Japan, this will certainly boost his legitimacy. Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev used a similar tactic in the late 1960s and early 1970s when he took personal control over all negotiations with the leaders of the United States, France, West Germany and others. Using this as leverage, he soon managed to dominate other, more influential Soviet leaders. What is most important today is that the Constitution provides the president with a great amount of power. This authority is further strengthened by the traditional belief among people that the Kremlin, which controls the armed forces and massive security infrastructure, has historically always been the sole and supreme center of authority in the country. It is true, however, that the president must do more than simply occupy the top spot in the Kremlin. He has to be strong and tough enough to maintain the power that comes with the position. Only time will tell if Medvedev is able to do this. Yevgeny Kiselyov is a political analyst and hosts a political talk show on Ekho Moskvy radio. |
Currency Exchange
USD/RUR - 23.5
EUR/RUR - 37.1
Weather
Most Popular Stories
1. New London Mayor Told to Lose Russia Barbs
2. The Next Collapse Will Be Russia's Last
3. Russians Find Refuge in Ukraine
4. President Medvedev Stresses the Law
5. There Is Nothing Normal About Corruption
2. The Next Collapse Will Be Russia's Last
3. Russians Find Refuge in Ukraine
4. President Medvedev Stresses the Law
5. There Is Nothing Normal About Corruption
Archive
| « 2008 |
| M | T | W | T | F | S | S |
| 28 | 29 | 30 | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 |
| 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 |
| 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 |
| 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 |
| 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 31 | 1 |
Columnists
Equating Holodomor With Genocide
By Georgy Bovt
Spring Weather Brings Spring Illnesses
By Michele A. Berdy
Taking the Temperature In Georgia's Hot Spring
By Matthew Collin
The Natural-Resources And Democracy Curse
By Konstantin Sonin
Returning Direct Elections
By Nikolai Petrov
Georgia Is Medvedev's First Foreign Policy Test
By Vladimir Frolov
An Early Assessment of Putin's Foreign Policy
By Fyodor Lukyanov
The Fed Can Help Russia Lower Its Inflation
By Martin Gilman
Olympic Gold in Abkhazia
By Yulia Latynina
Remaining a Moral Victor
By Alexei Bayer
A Fight for Peace in Georgia
By Alexander Golts
High-Stakes Soap Opera
By Alexei Pankin
Medvedev the Bookworm
By Mark H. Teeter
Two-Headed Eagle Infected With Bugs
By Boris Kagarlitsky
